全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1479篇 |
免费 | 51篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 135篇 |
工人农民 | 78篇 |
世界政治 | 99篇 |
外交国际关系 | 92篇 |
法律 | 795篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 325篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 10篇 |
2022年 | 14篇 |
2021年 | 20篇 |
2020年 | 38篇 |
2019年 | 41篇 |
2018年 | 77篇 |
2017年 | 77篇 |
2016年 | 75篇 |
2015年 | 69篇 |
2014年 | 57篇 |
2013年 | 235篇 |
2012年 | 115篇 |
2011年 | 90篇 |
2010年 | 52篇 |
2009年 | 56篇 |
2008年 | 60篇 |
2007年 | 79篇 |
2006年 | 41篇 |
2005年 | 38篇 |
2004年 | 33篇 |
2003年 | 29篇 |
2002年 | 36篇 |
2001年 | 24篇 |
2000年 | 31篇 |
1999年 | 21篇 |
1998年 | 10篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1996年 | 12篇 |
1995年 | 7篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 6篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 6篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 6篇 |
1983年 | 8篇 |
1982年 | 7篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
1965年 | 1篇 |
1963年 | 1篇 |
1962年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有1530条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
141.
Jörg Seisselberg 《West European politics》2013,36(4):715-743
The emergence of Forza Italia should not be exclusively reduced to specific Italian conditions. This article attempts to explain the development and establishment of Forza Italia as part of a general change of politics in a modern, highly media‐oriented western society. The type of party represented by Forza Italia can be defined as a ‘media‐mediated personality‐party’. With regard to its structural organisation, it presents itself as an answer to tendencies of differentiation, individualisation and consumerisation in modern society. The leading organisational principle is not inner‐party democracy but inter‐party capability to compete. This model of organisation is seen as functional for a marketing‐based, media‐orientated political strategy. It represents a challenge for the type of democratic, mass‐membership party in western Europe. The 1996 elections in Italy, however, have also pointed out the limits of the model of the media‐mediated personality‐party. 相似文献
142.
Björn Fägersten 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(4):500-520
Abstract This article analyses the gap between government ambitions and actual outcomes in the case of European counter terrorism intelligence cooperation. Specifically, it investigates why Europol has not managed to live up to its tasks despite outspoken government support. Drawing on rational choice institutionalism, the study suggests why bureaucrats might be motivated to resist calls for international cooperation. By examining the process by which Europol has developed as an actor in the counter terrorism field, this article shows how development in the field of intelligence cooperation is not exclusively the reflection of government preferences. It concludes by suggesting that scholars could gain greater insight from a less state centric approach to the study of intelligence. In addition, the article suggests that policy makers cultivate a greater familiarity with bureaucratic factors and that they continually work with those factors in mind. 相似文献
143.
144.
Ian King Reimut Zohlnhöfer Peter M.R. Stirk Anna Daun Joanna McKay 《German politics》2013,22(4):649-654
145.
Ulrich Schröder 《German politics》2013,22(3):356-370
The article analyses the different channels ‐ industrial stakes, supervisory board mandates, proxy voting ‐ by which German banks can exert influence on industrial companies. The central thesis is that even where the banks have such influence they do not dominate the companies. A recent empirical study on the effects of the alleged bank dominance over industrial companies with detrimental effects on their performance is shown to contain major methodological mistakes. The relationship between banks and industry is undergoing some distinct changes. Banks have substantially reduced their industrial stakes as well as their representation on supervisory boards, which underlines that they are not striving for industrial leadership. Despite a clear trend in the German corporate sector to pay increasing attention to shareholder value and to provide more transparency in accounting, it seems premature to expect the German capital market, including the corporate governance system, to incorporate fully the Anglo‐Saxon model in the immediate future. 相似文献
146.
147.
148.
Sandra Kröger 《Journal of Civil Society》2018,14(1):41-57
This article links the literature on the Europeanization of civil society organizations (CSOs) with the literature on the contribution CSOs can make to democracy in the EU. To do so, it asks which are the pull factors that support CSOs’ Europeanization: are they mostly strategic and linked to where law-making and the money are? Or are they likewise linked to a desire to contribute to EU democracy? To explore this question, the article looks at agricultural, environmental and anti-poverty groups and combines fresh qualitative with quantitative data. The findings suggest that we need to distinguish strategic Europeanization, on the one hand, from the identification with supranational democracy, on the other. They also show that the most Europeanized organizations need not be the most interested in EU democracy, whereas organizations with a comparatively low degree of Europeanization can still be interested in EU democracy. 相似文献
149.
150.
Suruchi Thapar-Björkert 《Women's history review》2013,22(4):583-615
Abstract An important aspect of Indian women's political participation in the nationalist struggle against colonial rule was their imprisonment and confinement within the walls of the prison. To counter the difficulty and monotony of their prison existence, women developed strong solidarity networks which not only helped them to adjust to the temporary upheaval in their lives but also resulted in their becoming strong and determined individuals with a nationalist consciousness. These women resisted colonial rule through imprisonment and activities in the jail (such as writing poetry) just as they did through nationalist activities within the domestic sphere (such as spinning and weaving). The jail became a site where identities were continuously shaped and restructured. Feelings of pride, resentment, honour and humiliation were all experienced by women prisoners and were continuously sharpened. Women's entry into male dominated spaces dispelled the British stereotypes about Indian women as subordinate, weak and docile. Women were also aware that by endangering their womanhood on the streets and putting their bodies under risk of attack, they proved that they could share common experiences with their fellow men in the public sphere. 相似文献