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41.
KERRY BROWN 《北京周报(英文版)》2010,(21):14-15
For the first time since World War Ⅱ, the UK now has a coalition government. The elec-tion held in the UK on May 6 failed to deliver a majority for any of the three main oarties-the Conservative Party, the Liberal Democrats and the ruling Labor Party. After five days of negotiations, sitting Prime Minister Gordon Brown stepped down on May 11. 相似文献
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KERRY BROWN 《北京周报(英文版)》2010,53(46):12-13
British Prime Minister David Cameron's fast official visit to China in November had two objectives.One was to lead one of the largest trade delegations ever accompanied by a UK prime minister to an increasingly important market.The other was for him to meet,and get to know,the Chinese leadership and key figures in the government. 相似文献
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At the time of independence, parliaments in Central and Eastern Europe and the Newly Independent States of the former Soviet Union were highly underdeveloped institutions. Since that time, many parliaments have begun the process of building legislative capacity in order to participate more fully in the process of governance. One aspect of building legislative capacity is the internal structure of the parliament. This article examines the internal development of one of these parliaments—the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine—focusing on the legislative process, the budget process, the committee system and faction organization. The article identifies where progress has been made in each of these areas, and points to key aspects that require critical attention in order to ensure future progress. Finally, it discusses how one development project—the Parliamentary Development Project—has used a ‘comparative action research’ approach to aid key decision makers in the Verkhovna Rada in building legislative capacity. 相似文献
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Abstract. This article explores the pattern of opinions within political parties. What is the level of issue congruence between voters and elected leaders? The article introduces two ideas for the analysis of mass and elite opinion patterns. First, the authors challenge the unidimensional conception of mass-elite linkages, and argue that the opinion structure of political parties may best be understood in the context of a multidimensional policy space. Second, they contest the proximity logic of the traditional party mandate model. In so doing, they propose the 'conditional party mandate model', arguing that 'direction' rather than 'proximity' attracts voters' interest and attention. The authors contend that in issues of principle significance for a particular party (so-called 'core issues'), the party's voters and representatives will proceed in the same direction, but the representatives will stress their position more strongly than the voters. In issues that are less significant to the parties, the relationship between the two levels will be fortuitous and less clear. The analyses, which are based on elite and mass survey data from the Norwegian political system, support the authors' hypotheses concerning positional issues. When the direction of an issue is given, representatives are more extreme than voters. 相似文献
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HENRY N. PONTELL 《犯罪学》1978,16(1):3-22
Abstract Recently, some researchers have attempted to resurrect deterrence theory. These researchers have focused on the relationship between certainty and severity of punishment and subsequent rates of crime. An inverse relationship has been found, leading these researchers to conclude that penal sanctions deter crime. This paper presents another hypothesis, namely, that increases in crime may overburden existing legal machinery, and thus cause decreases in the certainty of punishment as a result. Using the same data employed in past deterrence studies, this paper demonstrates that crime may affect certainty of punishment more strongly than certainty of punishment affects the crime rate, a finding which seriously questions the ability of legal threats as currently administered in American society to deter crime. 相似文献
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This paper explores the dialogue about innovation in public services currently found within public policy and creates an interaction between research and practice about its strengths and limitations. It argues that this dialogue is a flawed one, often both at odds with the existing evidence and lacking a holistic understanding of the nature of innovation and its distinctive policy and managerial challenges. It therefore synthesizes existing research to challenge current public policy thinking about the role and determinants of innovation in public services. It concludes by offering five lessons towards effective policy‐making and implementation that would provide a more sophisticated and evidence‐based approach to the encouragement and sustenance of public service innovation – and four key areas for further research. 相似文献