全文获取类型
收费全文 | 148篇 |
免费 | 12篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 7篇 |
工人农民 | 27篇 |
世界政治 | 14篇 |
外交国际关系 | 7篇 |
法律 | 84篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 20篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 12篇 |
2019年 | 9篇 |
2018年 | 14篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 13篇 |
2015年 | 13篇 |
2014年 | 8篇 |
2013年 | 20篇 |
2012年 | 5篇 |
2011年 | 10篇 |
2010年 | 3篇 |
2009年 | 6篇 |
2008年 | 5篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2005年 | 3篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有160条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
101.
Journal of Family Violence - This study elucidates the responses of shelters and their adaptations to the COVID-19 pandemic, and the effects on their services to victims of violence, as well as how... 相似文献
102.
Hannah Maslen Thomas Douglas Roi Cohen Kadosh Neil Levy Julian Savulescu 《Journal of Law and the Biosciences》2014,1(1):68-93
This article presents a model for regulating cognitive enhancement devices (CEDs). Recently, it has become very easy for individuals to purchase devices which directly modulate brain function. For example, transcranial direct current stimulators are increasingly being produced and marketed online as devices for cognitive enhancement. Despite posing risks in a similar way to medical devices, devices that do not make any therapeutic claims do not have to meet anything more than basic product safety standards. We present the case for extending existing medical device legislation to cover CEDs. Medical devices and CEDs operate by the same or similar mechanisms and pose the same or similar risks. This fact coupled with the arbitrariness of the line between treatment and enhancement count in favour of regulating these devices in the same way. In arguing for this regulatory model, the paper highlights potential challenges to its implementation, and suggests solutions. 相似文献
103.
Hannah Ching Michael Daffern Stuart Thomas 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(4):451-463
Appetitive violence is a form of proactive violence; its purpose is to generate or maintain a positive emotional state and, possibly, to strengthen social bonds. Portrayals of an increasing frequency of youth acts of appetitive violence have contributed to a perception that aggressive delinquents are callous and predatory. However, the characteristics of these youth and the nature of their violent behaviour have not been elucidated. This study compared demographic and psychological characteristics of 143 young violent offenders according to whether or not they had a history of appetitive violence. It was hypothesised that youth with a history of appetitive violence would score higher on a measure of psychopathy and that their violence would be perpetrated within the context of a group assault. Results revealed that acts of appetitive violence were perpetrated exclusively by males and were more likely to occur when co-offenders were present. Psychopathy did not differentiate the youth. These results suggest that appetitive violence perpetrated by young offenders is the product of social factors rather than individual psychopathology. 相似文献
104.
105.
In 1998, the Labour government introduced legislation broadening British sentencing powers in relation to crimes aggravated by the offender’s hostility towards the victim’s actual or perceived race, religion, sexual orientation or disability. Gender is a notable omission from this list. Through a survey of eighty-eight stakeholders working in the violence against women (VAW) sector, this paper explores both the potential benefits and possible disadvantages of adding a gender-based category concerned with VAW to British hate crime legislation. The majority of participants believed that a hate crime approach would offer significant benefits, especially in terms of the symbolic power of the law to send a message to society that VAW is unacceptable. However, most also recognised that the addition of a VAW category to current legislation would involve major practical and conceptual difficulties, not least those resulting from problematic assumptions about the nature of hate crimes versus VAW, and a general unwillingness on the part of policy-makers to address the socio-cultural inequalities that underpin VAW. Overall, the fact that the majority of participants favoured inclusion, on the basis that the possible symbolic benefits were likely to outweigh the potential practical disadvantages, is significant: it speaks to the power of hate crime legislation to challenge many forms of inequality and discrimination still endemic in British society. 相似文献
106.
Hannah Miller 《Journal of Human Rights》2017,16(1):61-78
Following the growth of “rights-based approaches,” an increasing trend within recent research has been to establish the diverse opportunities, challenges, and potential pitfalls such approaches offer development NGOs. Although these areas remain important to current policy and practice, they equally stifle further research that is required concerning alternative engagements with human rights. This article argues that closer attention must be directed towards understanding how and why numerous development NGOs have rejected such approaches, whilst also embedding a strong and strategic use of “rights talk” within everyday campaign practice. This article draws upon recent qualitative research into practitioner responses to “rights-based” and wider human rights practice and, in so doing, enlists an in-depth analysis of two distinct subcategories of development NGOs — “faith-based” and “political.” The article proposes two current “perspectives” on human rights practice and a new and alternative engagement with a discourse of rights. 相似文献
107.
Elisa Van Waeyenberge Hannah Bargawi 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2015,33(1):121-140
This article explores macroeconomic policies in Uganda in the wake of the global financial crisis and following the publication of the 2010 National Development Plan. Despite apparent changes in rhetoric regarding macroeconomic policies by the Ugandan authorities, the paper demonstrates how the commitment to conservative monetary and fiscal policies prevails. The article analyses how the persistently conservative macroeconomic policy stance has exacerbated the lack of economic transformation in the Ugandan economy. The resultant outcome has been a failure to absorb the fast-growing Ugandan labour force into productive and gainful employment. The case is therefore made for an alternative macroeconomic framework that puts public investment at its centre and which complements macroeconomic policies with suitable sector-specific and industrial policies. 相似文献
108.
109.
Using Russian survey data from 2011 to 2012, this article examines public understanding of and support for democratization in a semi-authoritarian context. When knowledge of democracy is weak, and conceptual understanding of democracy is mixed—as in Russia—traditional measures of democratic support inadequately capture demand for democratization; that is, for more democracy than currently perceived. Contrary to conventional wisdom, Russians who adhere to “textbook” political definitions of democracy are more, not less, likely to advocate democratization. Residence in global cities increases support for democracy and democratization, while education fosters the latter but not the former. Other traditional indicators of middle-class status, such as income and urbanization, lack consistent effects. Based on these results we re-evaluate the mechanism linking modernization and support for democracy in developing, non-democratic societies. Rather than exert social-psychological or normative effects, modernization works primarily by raising exposure to global political discourses that define and promote democratic government. 相似文献
110.