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221.
Discourse about the impact of art has been prominent in academic and arts industry discourse over the past two decades. Contention in the discourse has led to the call for new research frameworks that place the experience of the individual as central to understanding the impact of art. The authors present the background of this discourse and outline narrative inquiry as a research method that elicits individual experiences. The authors present the findings of a narrative inquiry and establish that the way individuals experience art and its impact is far broader in scope than previous research suggests.  相似文献   
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The claim that the 2008 presidential election was a transformative one is fast becoming part of the conventional wisdom of American politics. Despite the election’s undoubted significance, this paper argues that factors affecting voting decisions were strikingly similar to those operating in many previous presidential elections. Using data from the CCAP six-wave national election survey, we demonstrate that a valence politics model provides a powerful, parsimonious explanation of the ballot decisions Americans made in 2008. As is typical in presidential elections, candidate images had major effects on electoral choice. Controlling for several other relevant factors, racial attitudes were strongly associated with how voters reacted to the candidates. Other models of electoral choice, such as a Downsian issue-proximity model, are also relevant, but their explanatory power is considerably less than that provided by the valence politics model.  相似文献   
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Bunce  Harold L.; Neal  Sue G. 《Publius》1984,14(2):7-19
Changes in the demographic and socioeconomic conditions of 627cities between 1970 and 1980 are examined using simple comparisonof means and correlational analytic techniques. Cities are groupedaccording to their type (Central city; suburb), regional location,and rate of population growth (decline). Major changes occurredin employment patterns, income levels, economic bases, racialcomposition, and social pathologies (crime rates)—allmeasures of urban stress. These conditions tended to clusterin certain types of cities: large, declining central citiesof the Northeast and Midwest. But population decline and regionallocation were not found to be independent determinants of urbandistress. National and regional economic trends, especiallychanges in the vitality of the metropolitan area in which acity is located. were the primary determinants.  相似文献   
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This study examines the influence on death penalty opinions of participating in a college class on the death penalty. Students in the class (the experimental group) and in another class offered at the same time (the control group) were asked to complete a questionnaire regarding their attitudes toward capital punishment at the beginning and at the end of the semester. They were also asked factual questions that measured their knowledge about capital punishment. Overall, the results of the study suggest that both groups were not well informed during the pretest measure. However, at the end of the semester, the group enrolled in the death penalty class were more knowledgable, less supportive of the death penalty based on general/absrtact questions, and more likely to favor alternatives to capital punishment than were the students in the control group.  相似文献   
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This article presents a new approach to managing conflict in divided societies and describes how it is being implemented in Tajikistan. This approach involves two interrelated strategies: (1) a five-stage unofficial dialogue process aimed at probing the dynamics of the conflictual relationships among the parties and designing a sequence of interactive steps to changing the relationships; and (2) a civil society strategy aimed at building institutions of civil society that transcend the traditional divisions in the society. Randa M. Slim is a program officer in charge of the international civil society programs at the Kettering Foundation, 200 Commons Road, Dayton, Ohio 45459.Harold H. Saunders, former member of the National Security Council Staff and Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, is Director of International Affairs at the Kettering Foundation, 444 North Capitol Street, NW, Washington, D.C. 20001. They co-direct the Tajikistani dialogue program.  相似文献   
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Abstract. A little more than a decade has elapsed since public access to federal executive branch records, previously thwarted by a ‘need to know’ policy, was facilitated by a new operational premise in government information law. Presuming all executive department and agency documents should be available to the citizenry, other than categories permissively exempted by the statute, the Freedom of Information Act provides both the basic authority and the procedure for realizing ‘the people's right to know’ about the activities and operations of the state. Until recent times, however, experience with the foi Act was not particularly satisfying. In 1974, after Congress discovered the failure of the executive branch to seriously and faithfully administer the law, amendments were made to the original statute to assure efficient operation. Presently, annual report data, required by the improved For Act, seem to indicate that most federal agencies are having little difficulty in meeting the new administrative standards. Initial implementation costs are high for some agencies but are peculiar to only a few entities and must be regarded as starting expenses which will, in all likelihood, significantly diminish over the next few years. Efforts toward refining the foi Act and its administration continue. While a degree of vigilance is required to maintain the existing guarantees of the statute, an element of vision will contribute to not only an extension of ‘the people's right to know’ but to the further realization of open government in an open society as well. Sommaire. Un peu plus de dix ans se sont écoulés depuis qu'un nouveau prin-cipe de la loi sur l'mformation gouvemementale a facilité l'accès du public aux dossiers du pouvoir exécutif, accès qui était restreint précédemment par la politique de la « connaissance en fonction des besoins ». Prenons pour acquis tous les documents des ministères et organismes devaient ětre accessibles aux citoyens, à l'exception des catégories prevues par la loi, la législature procurait à la fois l'autorité légale et la procédure pour assurer « le droit du peuple à connaitre » les activités et les opérations de l'état. Ce n'est que depuis peu, cependant, que l'application de la loi sur l'accessibilite de l'information est relativement satisfaisante. En 1974, le Congrès s'est rendu compte que le pouvoir exécutif n'administrait la loi ni sérieusement ni fidèlement et a apporté des amendements au texte original pour en assurer l'application efficace. A l'heure actuelle, les données des rapports annuels, exigés par la loi amendée, semblent indiquer que la plupart des organismes fédéraux n'ont pas de difficultés à respecter les nouvelles normes administra-tives. Les coǔts initiaux de mise en oeuvre sont élévés pour certaines organisations, peu nombreuses cependant, mais il faut considérer ces dépenses comme une mise de fonds de départ qui, vraisemblablement, diminuera au cours des prochaines années. Les efforts se poursuivent dans le but d'amilious la loi sur l'accessibilité de l'information ainsi que son administration. Une certaine vigilance est néces-saire pour maintenir les garanties existantes mais il faudra ausi une certaine vision qui contribuera non seulement àétendre « le droit du peuple à con-naitre » mais permettra aussi d'avoir un gouvernement accessible dans une société ouverte.  相似文献   
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