Ethnische Ressourcen: Das Beispiel der Bilingualität

Taking bilingualism as an example, this contribution addresses the hypothesis that ethnic resources play an important role for the integration of migrants. This assumption is particularly prevalent in more recent concepts of the sociology of migration like, for example, in the concept of “segmented assimilation”. We will address four different questions: the importance of mother tongue skills for school achievement, the effects of mother tongue education programs on school achievement, the impact of mother tongue skills on labour market success in general and then particularly in Canada as a frequently cited example for a country pursuing an “adequate” language and integration policy. The evidence suggests that mother tongue skills (as well as inner-ethnic relations) virtually never display empirically provable effects on educational and labour market success. At least regarding processes of language acquisition and its consequences, the concept of intergenerational absorption through (linguistic) acculturation is still valid, which also holds for Canada.     

Green Light for PPP on German Motorways?

While public–private partnerships (PPPs) have surged worldwide since the 1990s, they have been met with growing skepticism during the last years. A recent revision of Germany’s constitutional rules on motorway construction and observations on the use of PPPs published by both the German and the European Courts of Auditors illustrate this new caution. These two examples fit into a general trend towards a revival of the public sector, which can be summarized under the cross-level umbrella term “publicization.” It would, however, be remiss to replace the uncritical euphoria that once surrounded privatization with a similarly undifferentiated euphoria regarding publicization. Rather, it is crucial to identify the most appropriate solution for the fulfilment of each public task from the “toolbox” of publicization on the one hand and privatization on the other hand in order to ensure the most effective completion of public functions.     

Die demokratische Differenz zwischen besitzindividualistischen und kommunitären Eigentumsgesellschaften

Ownership is a central institution of modern societies, underlying the latter’s differentiation into different functional spheres. The article attempts to systematically assess the consequences of this institution for the political relationship to the world as well as for the character of democratic action. It asks which type of ownership is more, and which is less conducive to the democratization of the political community. It is argued that the increasingly frequent crises of contemporary democracies that can be noticed can neither be understood nor remedied without considering the conflictual influence exerted on the political process by possessive individualist ownership societies. This is because the latter, by inducing indifference and patterns of antagonistic domination, tend to undermine the conditions for democratic interaction. As an alternative, the article outlines the contours of a communitarian ownership society based on economic ownership where ownership is understood as a relationship of caring self-efficacy – thus only allowing democracies to live up to their own ambitions.     

Declining might in the limelight: European responses to new regional powers

The article analyses the responses of three established European powers, France, Britain and Germany, to a world of rising regional hegemons. It argues that Europe as a region remains unique as it consists of three regional powers of similar material and ideational power resources and is the most institutionalised region worldwide. The current transformation of world power configurations, debated in competing visions of global order, challenges Europe's central place. Facing gradual marginalisation, the foreign policy adaptations of Germany, Britain and France have been insufficient and remarkably static. Old foreign policy identities still play a significant part in European self-perceptions. However, views are gradually changing as the world becomes more heterogeneous. Among the emerging regional powers, China, India and Russia are perceived as decisive global players. Other rising powers are viewed as mainly regional and, hence, more manageable actors. Finally, the article calls for a general shift in European attitudes towards the non-European world and argues that European powers should overcome traditional Euro-centric world views. Rather, they should start to engage with rising powers in a serious discourse over common global responsibilities.     

Deliberative Qualities of Generic News Frames: Assessing the Democratic Value of Strategic Game and Contestation Framing in Election Campaign Coverage

News frames are patterns of news construction journalists rely on to present information to their audiences. While much of the research on news frames has focused on their identification and effects, less work has investigated the specific contributions these different frames make to democratic life. Value judgments about distinct news frames are often not generated in a systematic fashion, not grounded in democratic theory, and/or not supported by empirical evidence. In this article, we address these problems by arguing for and extending normative assessment as a standard operating procedure to determine the democratic value of political communication phenomena. We demonstrate the usefulness of normative assessment by showing how two important generic news frames (politics as a strategic game and as a substantive contestation) contribute to a deliberative public discourse prior to a general election. Using data on television news coverage of the German federal election campaign in 2009, we investigate how these frames are related to the inclusiveness and civility of public discourse and the extent to which it features exchanges of substantive reasons for political positions. Results show that mediated democratic deliberation suffers consistently from strategic game framing, while contestation frames make ambivalent contributions. Implications for political communication scholarship as well as journalistic practice are discussed.

[Supplementary material is available for this article. Go to the publisher's online edition of Political Communication for the following free supplemental resource(s): coding protocol used in content analysis.]     

A re‐analysis that supports our main results: A reply to Levine et al.

Levine et al. (2018) criticized our meta‐analysis, but their conclusion was the same as ours: The cognitive approach to lie detection results in a modest improvement. We address and dismiss Levine et al.'s (2018) three criticisms. Regarding the ‘confound’, in our meta‐analysis we averaged the results of two cells on statistical grounds, which does not constitute a confound in statistical terms. Regarding ‘aberrant controls’, that depends entirely on the benchmarks selected and type of statistical test and meta‐analysis used. Regarding ‘unreliable data’, the claim that there is a positive relationship between ‘unreliable’ data and total accuracy in the cognitive lie detection conditions is not even supported by their own data (p = .16). We conclude with a request to Levine et al. to focus on our shared aim: to develop interview protocols that enable lie detection.