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851.
In jurisdictions across the United States, the mandated arrest of individuals perpetrating domestic violence crimes termed
“mandatory arrest” or “pro-arrest” policies has become a key policy solution to the issue of domestic violence. The purposes
of the policies are to standardize the police response to, and increase the number of, arrests stemming from domestic violence
incidents by removing or reducing police discretion to arrest. In 1994, the New York state legislature passed the Family Protection
and Domestic Violence Intervention Act, which contained provisions enacting a mandatory arrest statute. Using information
from 183 callers to a telephone helpline for victims of domestic violence, we describe four unintended consequences of the
policy: “unwanted,” “dual,” “retaliatory,” and “no” arrest. Bi- and multivariate analyses are used to identify victim and
perpetrator sociodemographic, situational, and legal factors associated with each arrest type. Results are discussed in the
context of the effects of mandatory arrest policies and minimizing problems associated with it in the future.
Victoria Frye Was the Director of Epidemiology and Surveillance for the Injury Prevention Program of the New York City Department of Health. 相似文献
Victoria FryeEmail: |
Victoria Frye Was the Director of Epidemiology and Surveillance for the Injury Prevention Program of the New York City Department of Health. 相似文献
852.
Roewer L Krüger C Willuweit S Nagy M Rodig H Kokshunova L Rothämel T Kravchenko S Jobling MA Stoneking M Nasidze I 《Forensic science international》2007,173(2-3):204-209
Seventeen Y-chromosomal short tandem repeats (STRs), DYS19, DYS389I, DYS389II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS385ab, DYS437, DYS438, DYS439, GATA-H4, DYS448, DYS456, DYS458, DYS635 were typed in DNA samples from the Kalmyk population (n=99). The population is characterized by a high proportion of duplicated DYS19 alleles and deletions of the locus DYS448 on the background of the Central Asian haplogroup C*. AMOVA analysis reveals a close vicinity to Mongolian and Kazakh populations and large genetic distance to geographical neighbours from Russia, Ukraine and the Caucasus. 相似文献
853.
Methodological aspects of the Dutch National Threat Assessment 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Peter Klerks 《Trends in Organized Crime》2007,10(4):91-101
This paper discusses issues related to measuring organized crime as they have become manifest in the Dutch contribution to
the EU Organised Crime Threat Assessment (OCTA). It intends to convey to a wider academic community certain issues of definition,
methodology and accountability, understanding the NTA process in terms of the communication of risks in a context of competitive
defining institutions.
相似文献
Peter KlerksEmail: |
854.
Clara Chapdelaine Feliciati Aroni 《Critical Criminology》2007,15(3):267-284
This article provides an analysis of the flaws in the Canadian legal system with respect to child rights, in the light of
the three Ps set forth by former Canadian Justice Minister Irwin Cotler (2004–2006): Protection, Prosecution, and Prevention.
Contrary to the general trend of research on “youth” crime which focuses on the visible criminal activities of children and
for which they are readily ascribed the status of “young offenders,” I examine whether the legal system is just as swift in
giving child victims adequate Protection and Prosecution against their assailants. Six specific child victimization contexts
have been identified, which are all characterized by invisibility: in the home, in care, in school and public spaces as well
as by corporations and the criminal justice system. I explore why these victimizations are invisible and what legal protection
is offered to affected children. Finally, I analyse the extent to which a fourth P, that of Participation, can strengthen
the three Ps of Protection, Prosecution and Prevention in fighting crimes committed against children.
The contents of this article reflect the author’s opinions only.
相似文献
Clara Chapdelaine Feliciati AroniEmail: |
855.
Alessandro De Giorgi 《Critical Criminology》2007,15(3):243-265
This article suggests some new lines of research in the field of the political economy of punishment and some possible new
directions for a critical approach to contemporary social control strategies. The starting point is the transition from a
Fordist economy to what can be defined as a post-Fordist system of production. I outline some tendencies in the actual capitalist
dynamic (concerning the labour market, the production process, the relations between the workforce and capitalist power and
between work and social citizenship), suggesting that a renewed political economy of social control has to deal with them.
Two tendencies are assumed to be structural. On the one hand, the tendency of the capitalist system to make the production
(and extraction) of surplus-value more and more independent of the effective working time (a tendency toward the reduction
of human labour in the productive process). On the other hand, the tendency towards the massive introduction of new technologies:
a tendency whose main consequences seem to be the intellectualisation of human labour and the decline of the classic distinction
between manual and intellectual labour. I assume that these tendencies give rise to a new productive subject (the multitude), whose characters exceed the actual organisation of work and deepen the contradictions intrinsic to post-Fordist societies.
Hence, an analysis of some new social control strategies follows, where I consider actuarialism as a technology for the control
of these contradictions
Biography Alessandro De Giorgi has a PhD in Criminology from Keele University, UK. He is a research fellow in Criminology in the Faculty of Law at the University of Bologna, Italy. His main research interests are in the fields of global migrations and the political economy of social control in contemporary societies. 相似文献
Alessandro De GiorgiEmail: |
Biography Alessandro De Giorgi has a PhD in Criminology from Keele University, UK. He is a research fellow in Criminology in the Faculty of Law at the University of Bologna, Italy. His main research interests are in the fields of global migrations and the political economy of social control in contemporary societies. 相似文献
856.
Dennis T. Avery 《Society》2007,44(6):137-143
High-yield farming—more agricultural output per acre of farmland—has been a boon to mankind and to nature. If today’s agricultural
efficiency was the same as in the 1950s, the world would need three times the cropland to produce today’s food supply. That
would mean that 15-16 million mi2 of forest would have been destroyed—all the global forest area available today. Rising population and increased affluence
will require a tripling of agricultural efficiency in the next 50 years if we are to protect wildlife at the same time. More
investment in agricultural research and education will be required, but this is what produced the previous green revolution.
相似文献
Dennis T. AveryEmail: |
857.
Relying on rarely analyzed public opinion data from the 1930s and early 1940s, we take issue with the notion popular in contemporary
liberal circles that the New Deal era represented a period of expansive commitment to the security and well-being of the poor
and politically disenfranchised. At least where the public is concerned—as opposed to the progressive policy makers in the
Roosevelt administration—the jobless were regarded with suspicion, immigrants should be forced to “go home,” women belong
in the kitchen not on the shop floor. The harsher the economic conditions (by state), the more conservative were the public
attitudes. Hence New Deal legislative victories accrued despite rather than because of public support.
相似文献
Elisabeth JacobsEmail: |
858.
Samuel Popkin 《Society》2007,44(5):37-44
This article attempts to identify the general principles that underlie public reasoning about collective obligations and that
help explain when political parties can create new obligations or defend existing ones. I use these principles to President
Clinton’s unsuccessful attempt to create government health-care plan and attempts by President Bush to privatize Social Security.
The success of a party in selling – or defeating – an obligation depends upon what people believe about the competence and
capacity of government and the value of autonomy – choices made by each citizen; whether people perceive the obligation as
providing floors or establishing ceilings by limiting choice or otherwise restricting opportunities for the better-off; and
whether the program is more like insurance or more like welfare. A party’s ability to maintain credibility with voters also
depends upon whether party leaders can suppress issues that threaten intra-party elite pacts. When attempts to suppress “taboo”
issues like “stem cells” or “black crime” fail, the party loses credibility with its voters and attempts to defend or sell
obligations fail.
相似文献
Samuel PopkinEmail: |
859.
In this article, we model the effect of foreign policy attitudes on both vote choice and casualty tolerance, using survey
data collected during the 2004 election. We show that prospective judgments of the likelihood of success in Iraq and retrospective
judgments of whether the war in Iraq was right are significant determinants of both vote choice and casualty tolerance. The
prospective judgment of success is key in predicting casualty tolerance, while retrospective judgment of whether the war was
right takes precedence in determining vote choice. In addition, there is an important interaction between the two variables,
so the effect of one is conditional on the value of the other. We believe this is compelling evidence that foreign policy
matters, and that it matters in reasonable ways.
相似文献
Jason ReiflerEmail: |
860.
Stephen T. Mockabee 《Political Behavior》2007,29(2):221-248
In this study I adopt a view of cultural conflict that extends beyond the usual set of controversial “moral” issues like abortion
and gay rights to include symbolic issues related to patriotism and group affect. Using a set of survey items asking about
respondents’ preferences in child-rearing, I create a measure of individuals’ orientations toward authority that proves to
be a potent predictor of attitudes on cultural issues, affect toward social groups, party identification, and vote choice.
This authority effect persists even in the presence of extensive multivariate controls for demographic and religious variables.
I find that both authority measures and religion measures shape political attitudes, suggesting the need for a multi-faceted approach to understanding cultural conflict.
相似文献
Stephen T. MockabeeEmail: |