全文获取类型
收费全文 | 634篇 |
免费 | 33篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 20篇 |
工人农民 | 88篇 |
世界政治 | 60篇 |
外交国际关系 | 36篇 |
法律 | 283篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 175篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 12篇 |
2019年 | 27篇 |
2018年 | 22篇 |
2017年 | 27篇 |
2016年 | 25篇 |
2015年 | 19篇 |
2014年 | 29篇 |
2013年 | 106篇 |
2012年 | 21篇 |
2011年 | 22篇 |
2010年 | 23篇 |
2009年 | 14篇 |
2008年 | 17篇 |
2007年 | 13篇 |
2006年 | 20篇 |
2005年 | 27篇 |
2004年 | 20篇 |
2003年 | 31篇 |
2002年 | 22篇 |
2001年 | 10篇 |
2000年 | 11篇 |
1999年 | 18篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 8篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 7篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 11篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 7篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 5篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 4篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1969年 | 3篇 |
1968年 | 3篇 |
1967年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有667条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
561.
Public input into decision-making through participatory and deliberative democratic practices has become a widely accepted and legislated responsibility of Australian local governments. At any one time, councils are leading submission processes, workshops and online surveys on a multitude of projects, ranging from long-term community strategic plans to public art projects. The increase in these practices has been exponential, leaving little time for critical reflection. The lack of empirical data to illustrate how community engagement is understood and practised in different councils has hindered sector-wide reflection. This paper presents the findings of the ‘Local Government Community Engagement Census’, a survey of 175 councils – approximately half – from 4 of Australia’s eastern states. This sectoral snapshot provides a picture of how councils understand, prioritise and practise community engagement, allowing critical reflection, an interpretation of implications and suggesting areas for future research. 相似文献
562.
563.
564.
Stephen C. Nelson Geoffrey P. R. Wallace 《The Review of International Organizations》2017,12(4):523-558
Have IMF lending programs undermined political democracy in borrowing countries? Building on the extensive literature on conditional lending, we outline several pathways through which IMF program participation might affect the levels of democracy in borrowing countries - including a new variant that suggests the possibility of a positive association between lending program participation and democracy scores. In order to test the argument we assemble annual data from 120 low- and middle-income countries observed (at maximum) in each year between 1971 and 2007. We use three strategies - genetic matching, instrumental variables, and difference-in-differences estimation - to better estimate the direction and size of the statistical association between participation in IMF lending programs and the level of democracy. We find evidence for modest but definitively positive conditional differences in the democracy scores of participating and non-participating countries. 相似文献
565.
Helen Irving 《Economy and Society》2013,42(1):123-144
This book is reviewed as an example of the manner in which cultural critique approaches the question of the formation and regulation of personal capacities and conducts. Despite its sophistication and power, it is argued that the dialectical character of this critique leaves it incapable of interrogating its two central objects: subjectivity and government. As a results, Donald's critique retains the notion of subjectivity and its unconscious formation as the essential site of resistance to government. Against this oppositional cultural politics it is argued that human agency has no single general (subjective) form that might be captured by or freed from government. It is further argued that the heterogeneity of the instruments and objectives of government robs such a politics of both a general logic of power that might be resisted and any general reason for resistance. 相似文献
566.
Robert Daniel Wallace 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(5):620-638
Despite outward appearances, the CIA's evolution between 1945 and 1953 was influenced by two objective investigations – the Eberstadt Task Force and Dulles Commission – and was accelerated, but not instigated, by the shock of the Korean War. The role of these two investigations, which ultimately resulted in NSC 50 and the establishment of the CIA as a viable member of the US intelligence community, has been overlooked in recent literature. While these panels played a critical role in shaping the CIA's organization during this period, the Truman administration never achieved its goal of establishing a truly ‘central’ intelligence organization. This article examines the formation of the CIA, discusses both reports, national policy changes enacted in response, and relevance to the US intelligence community's current operations. 相似文献
567.
Helen E. S. Nesadurai 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(1):91-118
Abstract This paper first reviews and critiques the dominant realist and constructivist accounts of ASEAN, which have enjoyed much prominence in The Pacific Review since the journal's founding in 1988. ASEAN behaviour and outcomes cannot be fitted into neat theoretical categories that emphasize either material or ideational variables in explanation. Instead, ASEAN displays complexities in behaviour that are the product of the contingent interaction between the material (power, territory, wealth) and the ideational (norms, ideas, identity) as member states actively seek to manage domestic order as well as regional order within and beyond ASEAN. In all of this, state interests and identities remain paramount, which means that the long-standing ASEAN norms of sovereignty/non-interference remain central to regional governance. Under these conditions, and despite the Charter's newly articulated political norms of democratization, human rights, and the rule of law, the prospects seem doubtful for building a people-centred ASEAN Community in which regional governance displays inclusiveness, seeking to address the interests and needs of the region's ordinary people as opposed to what its elites deem appropriate. The final portion of the paper explores what a critical approach to studying ASEAN might reveal. In particular, the paper attempts to identify whether there may be any political spaces opening up within existing structures and practices from which progressive change could emerge, even if slowly, particularly in the area of human rights and social justice, key elements in building an inclusive, ASEAN Community. 相似文献
568.
Helen Rohtmets 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(6):895-908
In this article the Estonian return migration policy is analyzed from the perspective of the return migrants' ethnicity. The time period of this study covers the most intensive phase of the state-organized return of emigrants to the newly established Republic of Estonia. The survey of attitudes of the Estonian authorities towards the return of emigrants with different ethnic backgrounds leads to the conclusions that the return of ethnic Estonians was preferred to the return of non-Estonians during the first years of Estonia's independence on both economic and political grounds. The political loyalty of non-Estonians was doubted in the administrative circles of Estonia which was especially the case with regard to the emigrants that had formerly belonged to the ruling power elites. The negative attitudes towards the return of non-Estonians were further aggravated by the crisis the Estonian economy was facing at that time. As a result, a parallel with the return migration policies of other new nation-states that emerged from the ruins of the Russian empire can be drawn. 相似文献
569.
Helen E S Nesadurai 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(2):235-253
The asean Free Trade Area ( afta ) has conventionally been explained as a project of open regionalism adopted by the asean member governments to attract foreign direct investment to the region through the 'carrot' of the single regional market. Yet, when the same governments incorporated an investment liberalisation component programme within the afta project in 1998, they opted to accord full national treatment and market access privileges to foreign (non- asean ) investors at least 10 years later than to domestic or asean national investors. Although member governments removed this particular discriminatory clause in September 2001, the fact that a distinction between foreign and domestic investors was adopted and maintained for a three-year period is puzzling given afta 's acknowledged role as a magnet for foreign investment. Although afta is clearly a response to the pressures of globalisation, the available theoretical models of the relationship between globalisation and regionalism are unable to account for this empirical anomaly because they do not make a distinction between foreign-owned and domestic-owned capital. This paper advances the notion of 'developmental regionalism' as a way to incorporate domestic-owned capital in analysing the globalisation-regionalism relationship, which allows for a more robust explanation of the empirical puzzle outlined above. 相似文献
570.
Helen Mills 《Criminal Justice Matters》2013,92(1):42-43
Abstract The introduction of the Community Order (CO) and Suspended Sentence Order (SSO) in the 2003 Criminal Justice Act, on paper at least, radically reconfigured community sentences in England and Wales. The CO replaced the range of community sentences previously available with a single sentence. The SSO brought in a custodial sentence to be served in the community unless breached. Both orders were to be made up of one or more requirements from a possible of 12 (including unpaid work, supervision, accredited programmes, curfew and drug treatment). 相似文献