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91.
Governance at international and global levels is not only provided through states and markets but also through a variety of private organizations. The business world is well represented through this kind of organization and contributes to global governance through self-regulation across a number of industries. This article examines these efforts in the encompassing organization of global commerce, in the pharmaceutical industry and among dye stuffs producers. Smaller organizations are generally better suited to monitor compliance and impose sanctions on members violating the codes and norms behind self-regulation. Even small organizations, however, are confronted with problems and there is also evidence of large and very complex organizations having established effective mechanisms as alternatives to public regulation. These experiences can be built into theories on self-regulation as a form of global governance. 相似文献
92.
To assess the predictive value of recklessness in suicidality, 155 college students took the Sommerfeldt-Clark Adolescent Experience Scale (S-C), Zung Self-Rating Depression scale, Reasons for Living Inventory (RFL), and the Scale for Suicide Ideation (SSI). The S-C Suicidal Tendencies subscale accounted for the most variance in suicidality (26.0%) and Coping Beliefs of the Reasons for Living subscale accounted for additional variance (5.6%). Further, the S-C was moderately internally consistent (Cronbach alpha=.83) and had adequate validity, as indicated by significant correlations in the expected directions with the SSI total score (r=.25, p< .01), and RFL total score (r= –.28, p<.001). Recklessness was not a component of suicidality among those non-clinical older adolescents, but may be a factor in clinical or younger samples of adolescents.Received M.A. in Psychology from Xavier University, Ohio. Research interests include suicide, eating disorders, and adolescence.Received Ph.D. from Georgia State University. Research interest: suicide. 相似文献
93.
Mark Schneider 《Public Choice》1986,48(3):255-263
An assumption of the post-World War II metropolitan reform movement was that fragmentation of metropolitan regions into multiple local governments was wasteful and inefficient, increasing the cost and size of government. More recently, ‘polycentrists’ have argued that the competition between multiple governments in metropolitan regions can in factreduce the growth in government by providing a competitive check on the excessive demands of local bureaucrats for more resources. In this article, I explore the effects of fragmentation on growth in the size of suburban municipal government budgets and in the number of services offered. Competition inherent in more fragmented metropolitan regions is shown to slow the expansion in local government expenditures and service levels. 相似文献
94.
Schneider CE 《Indiana law journal (Indianapolis, Ind. : 1926)》1994,69(4):1075-1104
95.
The notion that ideological perceptions in the mass public are shaped to some extent by elites and political candidates is widespread in the public opinion literature. However, there has been a lack of empirical research directly demonstrating the links between elites and the masses whose thinking they supposedly cue and structure. This paper attempts to show, through magnitude scale data collected over time in the 1980 campaign, the significant impact of political candidates in altering ideological perceptions of political stimuli. The chief carrier of ideology in 1980 is shown to be Ronald Reagan, whose strong issue stands and ideological label influenced perceptions of specific issues' ideological content. The findings are discussed in terms of both measurement problems in the ideology literature and more general theories of elite and environmental influences on mass political thought. 相似文献
96.
We propose an alternativeto the Constitutional Treaty drafted by theEuropean Convention. Our proposaleffectively limits the domain of governmentat the Union level. It takes the incentivesof the European public actors into account.We propose a second chamber of EuropeanParliament composed of delegates of theparliaments of the member states and asecond court composed of delegates of thehighest courts of the member states. Theseinstitutions will be the guardians of thesubsidiarity principle. The principle ofthe separation of powers is implemented byabolishing the Commission's monopoly oflegislative initiative and by curtailingthe Council's legislative role. Treatyamendments will not be drafted by aninter-governmental conference but by aninter-parliamentary conference. We proposeto change the method of financing andintroduce referenda. 相似文献
97.
Mark Schneider John Scholz Mark Lubell Denisa Mindruta Matthew Edwardsen 《American journal of political science》2003,47(1):143-158
Currently, many approaches to solving policy problems seek to create community-based, less coercive solutions that are creating the conditions for the birth of new regional governmental institutions. We argue that networks form the core of these emergent structures and that federal programs can play a positive role in developing local networks. Our empirical work compares networks in estuaries included in National Estuary Program with networks in comparable estuaries that were not. We find that the networks in NEP areas span more levels of government, integrate more experts into policy discussions, nurture stronger interpersonal ties between stakeholders, and create greater faith in the procedural fairness of local policy, thus laying the foundation for a new form of cooperative governance. 相似文献
98.
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100.
Bargaining Power in the European Union: An Evaluation of Competing Game-Theoretic Models 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This article evaluates, by drawing on Barry's distinction between 'power' and 'luck', the predictive accuracy of competing bargaining models. We explore whether models that take various facets of political power into account predict legislative outcomes more precisely than purely preference-based models like the Nash Bargaining Solution (NBS). Our empirical examination compares how well different formal models predict the outcome of 66 legislative decisions made within the European Union (EU). A model that considers the saliency actors attach to a contested issue performs best among all the models under examination. Although resource-based models provide less accurate forecasts on average, they offer relatively precise point predictions. The analysis also shows that domestic constraints are not a particularly important bargaining resource in legislative decision making. 相似文献