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581.
This paper attempts to test the degree of responsiveness of Canadian provincial governments to different political groups in establishing their relative minimum wage policies over the 1975–1982 period. It discusses alternative explanations of minimum wage policies and focuses on the political market approach, where women, youth, small business and unions play a role. An econometric model is specified and estimated on pooled annual time series and cross-section data for nine provinces in Canada. The results tend to support most of the hypotheses. 相似文献
582.
Deveaux M Kintz P Goullé JP Bessard J Pépin G Gosset D 《Forensic science international》2000,107(1-3):389-394
In an effort to improve laboratories performing hair analysis in forensic cases, the French Society of Analytical Toxicology (S.F.T.A.) has implemented a proficiency testing program since 1992. Actually about 10 laboratories are participating. Each survey is dedicated to one analyte or one pharmacological class: opiates (6-monoacetylmorphine, morphine and codeine), cocaine and benzoylecgonine, tetrahydrocannabinol, buprenorphine and norbuprenorphine, beta-blockers (metoprolol, atenolol), beta 2-agonists (salbutamol, clenbuterol). Animal hair was tested for clenbuterol. Prior to sending, hair samples were reduced to a powdered form, well mixed to ensure homogeneity, and then tested by GC/MS or HPLC/MS. Results confirm those obtained in a preliminary study on opiates and cocaine analysis in hair: a common analytical procedure has to be used by all the participants, including hydrolysis of hair. It is essential to work on authentic drug-positive hair samples and not on spiked samples. Participation at this program is free of charge and considered as an educational tool. Comparison of the results with those of other laboratories in Europe and USA shows that the analytical methods used during this program are in accordance with all the other procedures. 相似文献
583.
José Ciro Martínez 《Mediterranean Politics》2017,22(4):464-483
Techniques of governance in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan do not follow a single or unifying logic. Despite a more than decade-long shift towards a neoliberal orientation, market-disciplinary policies coincide with important exceptions. This article employs a modified variegated neoliberalization approach to explore one such exception. Specifically, it analyses the recent debate over the country’s bread subsidy to elucidate key elements of Jordan’s socio-economic transformation. The persistence of this long-standing welfare programme is linked to the uneven pathways of Jordanian neoliberalization and two potent political rationalities imbricated in this process. 相似文献
584.
Classic studies of protest politics have traditionally defended the dominant left-wing orientation of protesters. However, some recent research has highlighted the general spread of protest by the increasing participation of right-wing individuals. Has this process meant an ‘ideological normalisation’ of protesters? The present article tackles this question by examining competing hypotheses regarding the relationship between ideology and political protest. Through a hierarchical multilevel design, the article tests whether left-wing (or right-wing) supporters are more likely to stay at home when left-wing (right-wing) parties are in power and whether they intensify their protest activities when they are more distant from the government’s ideological position. The article shows that left-wing individuals protest more under right-wing governments than under left-wing governments and yet, they are the group which protest the most also under left-wing governments. Both party mobilisation and values appear to be behind these individuals' greater propensity to participate regardless of the governments' ideological orientation. 相似文献
585.
Prior research on civic duty has focused on national elections, believed to be the most salient. Evidence on turnout gaps between election levels suggests that it is relevant to inquire whether people feel that they have the same duty to vote in national, subnational, and supranational elections. The article investigates this phenomenon, comparing citizens’ attitudes towards national, European, and regional elections in ten regions from four countries. About one-quarter of European citizens demonstrate a lesser degree of duty towards European rather than in national elections. Differences in duty levels for national and regional elections are infrequent and concentrated in regions with nationalist movements. Both rational and identity considerations explain why some individuals feel less obliged to vote in a particular election than in another, but the latter matter more. 相似文献
586.
Translating Policies into Informal Settlements' Critical Services: Reframing,Anchoring and Muddling Through
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Jaan‐Henrik Kain Belinda Nyakinya Nicholas Odhiambo Michael Oloko John Omolo Silas Otieno Patrik Zapata María José Zapata Campos 《公共行政管理与发展》2016,36(5):330-346
This paper examines how policies and plans are translated into informal settlements' practice. It builds on literature on policy implementation practice and organization studies, and more particularly, it applies the concepts of reframing, anchoring and muddling through. The paper is informed by the case of Kisumu City in Kenya and its Kisumu Integrated Solid Waste Management Plan and its implementation on Kisumu's informal settlements. The plan was funded by the Swedish International Development Agency through the United Nations Human Settlement Programme and implemented from 2007 to 2009. The study is based on action research carried out by a multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary group of researchers, through focus groups, participatory workshops, collaborative action, in‐depth interviews, document analysis and observations. The paper examines what original aspects of Kisumu Integrated Solid Waste Management Plan were translated, that is, which ones faded out and which ones became stabilized into and travel as ‘best practices’ to other locations. The paper shows how the generation of ‘best practices’ can be loosely coupled with the practices that policy seeks to change. It concludes, in line with previous research in the field, how successful policy implementation is based on cultural and political interpretations rather on evidence of improved practices. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
587.
José Santana-Pereira 《South European society & politics》2016,21(2):227-242
This study seeks to expand our understanding of how the media increase the level of political information, by focusing on an understudied yet important learning outcome: knowledge of the political past. The article explores the factors underlying variation in the recognition of the leading actors in the transitional process in Portugal. The results show that television news and newspaper exposure foster recognition of these actors, but that media use interacts with personal experience of the transition (stronger effects among younger cohorts) and party identification (stronger impact on those who do not feel close to a political party). 相似文献
588.
Tommy André Knutsen 《Democratization》2016,23(3):375-394
Is liberal autocracy preferable to illiberal democracy, as Friedrich Hayek forcefully argued? This article examines two main problems with this argument. First, it seems counterintuitive for autocracies to be combined with liberalism, or for democracies to exist without essential liberal freedoms. Second, it is difficult to establish sound criteria for when a particular democracy is inferior to a given dictatorship. Since there is a difference between those types of liberal freedoms that are sometimes protected in dictatorships and those that are (almost) never protected, assessing the quality of liberties brings us closer to a solution on both issues. It is argued that whether an autocracy can be genuinely liberal, and whether liberals should sometimes prefer autocracy to democracy, depends on how we rank economic freedoms compared to other freedoms. 相似文献
589.
590.
This paper investigates the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) interior and border enforcement effort allocation choice following the enactment of IRCA in 1986. The INS increasingly allocated a disproportionate amount of resources along the border as a result of the new law. It is contended that this behavior is consistent with that of a public agency intent on maximizing its budget and not in accord with minimizing the undocumented population in the United States. The theory developed here is then used to evaluate proposals that could potentially reconcile the INS's objectives with those of the policy makers and the public. 相似文献