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531.
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533.
Herbert J. Rotfeld 《政策研究评论》1983,2(3):474-483
The "new" line between communications that have full First Amendment protection and those that are subject to regulation is still in the process of being delineated by the Supreme Court; legal and mass a communication scholars are proposing a plethora of tests for future cases. Rather than proposing yet another test, this article starts from the premise that future advertising regulation cases will be based on legal philosophy and judicial "world view" as well as law and precedent. First Amendment law and advertising regulation concerns have historically been based on two different concerns and perspectives that have only recently been seen to interact. This article charts a perspective on the differences in the legal, philosophical and historical roots of these two areas, shows how and why they are now seen as interrelated and attempts to give some insight into possible future legal directions in this area. 相似文献
534.
Herbert F. Weisberg 《Political Behavior》1983,5(4):363-376
The 1980 and 1982 American national election studies include a new series of questions about individual partisanship. It is possible to create a 5-point scale of party support/closeness from these questions. The new measure performs reasonably as regards its relationship to other measures of partisanship, to its own continuity over time, and to dependent behavior. There is also a new question on independence, but this is best treated as a separate item rather than being incorporated in the party support/closeness scale. The new measure also performs well in measuring strength of partisanship. 相似文献
535.
Herbert R. Balls 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1976,19(3):417-431
Abstract. This paper examines the role of the deputy minister in public decision-making. It notes the theoretical distinction between policy-making, on the one hand, and policy-execution or administration on the other, with the qualification that in practice the two are inevitably intermingled. It advances the view that changes in policy should be based on experience, in which the external impressions of politicians are complemented by the sense of continuity and inside knowledge of officials. The analysis by the Fulton Commission on the Civil Service of the United Kingdom of the fourfold functions of the permanent secretary as (1) the minister's most immediate policy adviser; (2) the managing director of the day-to-day operations of the department; (3) the possessor of ultimate responsibility for questions of staff and organization; and (4) accounting officer with ultimate responsibility for all departmental expenditures is compared with the duties and responsibilities of the deputy minister in Canada. The contribution to public policy-making by the recent developments in rationalizing the cabinet committee system and in arranging, inter alia, for the attendance of senior advisers at committee meetings, is noted and the influence of economists and other outside professional advisers is considered. Finally, the question as to who in government makes decisions is answered by the conclusion that in government decisions are made by ministers, or by officials in the name and on the responsibility of ministers at many levels of the administrative machine. Sommaire. L'auteur de cette communication examine le rôle du sous-ministre dans le prise de décision publique. Il prend note de la distinction théorique entre d'une part la prise de décision et d'autre part, l'exécution des politiques ou leur administration, tout en faisant remarquer que dans la pratique ces deux functions se fusionnent inévitablement. Il prétend que les changements de politique devraient se faire sur la base de l'expérience, les impressions extemes des ministres étant complétées par le sens de la continuité et les connaissances internes des fonctionnaires. Il compare les devoirs et responsabilités des sousministres au Canada à l'analyse qu'a faite la Commission Fulton sur la function publique du Royaume-Uni et plus précisément sur le quadruple rôle du secretaire permanent en tant que (1) » conseiller le plus proche du ministre «, (2) directeur des opérations quotidiennes du ministère, (3) détenteur de la responsabilité en dernier ressort des questions de personnel et d'organisation et (4), dans le domaine financier, responsable en dernier ressort de toutes les dépenses du ministère. Il souligne les apports à la prise de décision publique des derniers développements visant à rationnaliser le système des comités du cabinet et à assurer, entre autres, l'assistance des conseillers aux réunions des comités et évalue également l'influence des économistes et des autres conseillers professionnels de rextérieur. Finalement il répond à la question de savoir qui prend les decisions au sein du gouvernement en concluant que les décisions sont prises par les ministres ou par les fonctionnaires au nom de ceux-ci et sous leur responsabilité, à différents niveaux du mécanisme administratif. 相似文献
536.
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538.
Jacob L. Orlofsky 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1978,7(1):49-62
This study examined the performance of male and female identity statuses on achievement-related variables to clarify whether the four identity positions have different consequences for men and women. Previous research had suggested that an identity crisis period (achievement and moratorium) was more adaptive for males, while identity commitment, with or without a crisis period (achievement and foreclosure), was more adaptive for females. Identity status was determined for 111 college men and women who were tested for nAchievement, fear of success, fear of failure, and self-esteem. As predicted, identity achievement and moratorium men and women scored higher in achievement motivation and self-esteem than foreclosure and diffusion subjects. However, while diffusions and foreclosures were highest in fear of success of the male statuses, moratoriums and achievements were highest in fear of success of the female statuses. Contrary to previous research, the results indicate that moratorium women resemble identity achievements more than foreclosure women do, at least on achievement-related and self-concept variables, and suggest reasons why moratorium has appeared in past research to be a less adaptive status and foreclosure a more adaptive status for women.This research was supported by University of Missouri Summer Research Fellowship 3694-1100.Received his Ph.D. in clinical psychology at the State University of New York at Buffalo in 1974. Primary research interest is personality development during late adolescence and young adulthood, particularly identity formation and the development of an intimate mode of interpersonal relationships. Also involved in research on sex roles and psychological androgyny. 相似文献
539.
Herbert Obinger 《Swiss Political Science Review》2000,6(2):1-26
Dieser Aufsatz untersucht den Einfluss politisch‐institutioneller Faktoren auf das langfristige Wirtschaftswachstum zwischen 1960 und 1992, wobei der Fokus auf den Effekt politischer Stabilität und politischer Regime auf die ökonomische Entwicklung gelegt wird. Hinsichtlich der Bedeutung der politischen Stabilität für die ökonomische Entwicklung wird gezeigt, dass schwere inner‐ und zwischenstaatliche Konflikte die ökonomische Entwicklung hemmen, während schwelende und sporadische Konflikte keinen Bremseffekt auf das Wirtschaftswachstum ausüben. Bezüglich des Einflusses politischer Regime auf das Wirtschaftswachstum wird die Hypothese vertreten, dass ein simpler Demokratie‐Diktatur‐Vergleich zu kurz greift. Die empirischen Befunde sprechen vielmehr dafür, dass sowohl Autokratien als auch Demokratien mit langfristigem Wirtschaftswachstum kompatibel sind, sofern wirtschaftliche Eigentums‐ und Verfügungsrechte garantiert werden und diese rechtsstaatlich abgesichert sind. Hält man den Entwicklungsstand dieser Institutionen konstant, zeigt sich ein nichtlinearer Zusammenhang zwischen dem Demokratisierungsniveau und dem langfristigen Wirtschaftswachstum. 相似文献
540.