The 1990 German federal election and the national unification: A watershed in German electoral history?

The December 1990 German election resulted in a dramatic weakening of the Social Democratic and Green opposition parties, a moderate strengthening of the government coalition, and a unprecedented low voter turnout. This article explains the electoral outcome in terms of the interpretive frames each party employed to address the issue of unification in the election campaign in light of their past voter appeals and stances on the German question. Within the Social Democratic and the Green left‐libertarian discourse, it was particularly difficult to assign a meaningful role to the concept of the nation and national unification.     

Higher education and confidence in institutions: A secondary analysis of the ‘European values survey’, 1981–83

A secondary analysis of the ‘European Values Survey’ tests some of the theoretical conclusions regarding the rationality of trust and distrust in established institutions. A reanalysis of the data set's question relating to confidence in ten particular institutions shows that the expected impact of higher education on confidence in institutions to punish governments for breach of trust applies only to those countries with a long, uninterrupted tradition of upholding civil liberties. In these countries multivariate analyses reveal a latent pattern of ‘civil society’ which is the most important dimension of how institutions are perceived by respondents.     

The Impact of Metagovernance on Local Governance Networks. Lessons from Danish Employment Policy

This article analyses the impact of metagovernance on the functioning of local governance networks. It does so by comparing the functioning of four local governance networks in the field of local employment policy in Denmark. Between 2007 and 2009, two of these networks were linked to jobcentres in which the municipality and a state agency shared responsibility for employment policy, while the other two were linked to jobcentres in which the municipality had full responsibility. We explore two types of metagovernance that the local governance networks were subject to: general, hands-off metagovernance consisting of the assignment of full responsibility to the municipality alone, or of shared responsibility to the municipality and the state jointly; and tailored and fine-tuned metagovernance directed towards only one or a few networks and their corresponding jobcentre(s). Our findings suggest that, as network governance becomes a mature phenomenon, the importance of metagovernance increases, particularly for strategic reasons. More specifically, we find that the functioning of local governance networks is only marginally affected by acts of general, hands-off metagovernance, such as the different organisational set-ups ascribed to the jobcentres. More influential are the hands-on network management tools, such as direct consultancy. Hands-on metagovernance instruments, however, are more costly for the metagovernor. Whichever tool is applied, the local actors' responsiveness to metagovernance is significant for the outcome.     

Tensions and cooperation in a multilevel system: Integrating district councils in city government in Bergen

This article deals with the fact that central–local relations in a multilevel system often seems to create tensions. A district council reform in the city of Bergen, Norway intended to decentralise authority within the political system of the city ended up with a more centralised relationship between central and local levels. With this observation as a point of departure we categorise decentralisation according to the degree of discretion available for the local level concerning a) objectives and b) means to reach the objectives. By combining these dimensions we identify two types of decentralisation; administrative and political. We claim that all central–local relations will exert features of both types. The mere presence of political bodies is therefore not sufficient to characterise a specific relation as politically decentralised. We conclude the article by discussing some conditions for successful multilevel governance. The conditions draw on experiences from the Bergen district reform, but may have relevance in a wider context.     

Charcoal production and strategies to enhance its sustainability in Kenya

In sub-Saharan Africa, 72 per cent of urban and 98 per cent of rural households use fuelwood for energy. In Kenya use of charcoal in urban areas has risen by 64 per cent in two decades. Despite the charcoal industry providing employment to 500,000 people and generating over US$427 million that benefits grassroots communities, it has been kept out of the formal economies of this country. This review presents the status of the charcoal industry in Kenya, highlighting its contribution to livelihoods, production, utilisation, and implications for the environment; policy issues; and stakeholders' involvement. The review also proposes strategies to improve the sustainability of this sector.

La production de charbon de bois au Kenya et des stratégies pour l'augmentation de sa durabilité

Dans l'Afrique subsaharienne 72 pour cent de ménages urbains et 98 pour cent de ménages ruraux se servent du bois combustible pour leur propre énergie. Au Kenya l'usage de charbon de bois dans les secteurs urbains a augmenté par 64 pour cent au cours de deux décennies. Malgré le fait qu'elle fournit un emploi à 500,000 personnes et qu'elle génère plus de US$427 million de bénéfice aux collectivités populaires, l'industrie du charbon de bois reste écartée des économies formelles de ce pays. Cet examen présente la situation de l'industrie du charbon de bois au Kenya, en soulignant sa contribution aux moyens d'existence, à la production, et à l'utilisation ainsi que les implications pour l'environnement ; des questions concernant la politique ; et l'implication des parties prenantes. L'examen propose également des stratégies pour l'amélioration de la durabilité de cette industrie.

Producción de carbón y estrategias para aumentar su sostenibilidad en Kenia

En el África subsahariana, 72% de los hogares urbanos y 98% de los hogares rurales utilizan la leña como fuente de energía. En las áreas urbanas de Kenia, el uso de carbón ha aumentado 64% en dos décadas. A pesar de que la industria de carbón crea empleo para 500 mil personas, generando us$427 millones en beneficios para las comunidades de base, se la ha marginado de las economías formales de este país. El presente artículo examina la situación de la industria de carbón en Kenia, analizando, por un lado, su contribución a los medios de vida, y por otro, su forma de producción y su utilización, así como sus implicaciones para temas de política ambiental, además de la participación de los actores en la misma. Asimismo, el artículo propone estrategias para mejorar la sostenibilidad del sector.

Produção de carvão e estratégia para aumentar sua sustentabilidade no Quênia

Na África Subsaariana, 72 por cento de famílias da zona urbana e 98 por cento de famílias da zona rural utilizam lenha como fonte de energia. No Quênia,o uso de carvão nas áreas urbanas cresceu 64 por cento em duas décadas. Apesar da indústria de carvão proporcionar emprego a 500.000 pessoas e gerar mais de US$427 milhões que beneficiam comunidades de base, ela tem sido deixada de fora das economias formais deste país. Esta revisão apresenta o status da indústria de carvão no Quênia, destacando sua contribuição para os meios de subsistência, produção, utilização e implicações para o meio ambiente; questões de políticas e envolvimento dos stakeholders. A revisão também propõe estratégias para melhorar a sustentabilidade deste setor.     

Defending democracy with international law: preventing coup attempts with democracy clauses

In recent decades many regional inter-governmental organizations have adopted agreements committing all member states to maintain democratic governments, and specifying punishments to be levied against member states that revert to authoritarianism. These treaties have a surprisingly high enforcement rate – nearly all states subject to them that have experienced governmental succession by coup have been suspended by the relevant IGO(s). However, relatively little is known about whether these treaties are deterring coups. This article offers an original theory of how these international agreements could deter coups d’état, focusing on the way that a predictably adverse international reaction complicates the incentives of potential coup participants. An analysis of the likelihood of coups for the period of 1991–2008 shows that states subject to democracy were on average less likely to experience coups, but that this finding was not statistically significant in most models. However, when restricting the analysis to democracies, middle-income states with democracy clauses were significantly less likely to experience coup attempts. Moreover, the African democracy regime appears to be particularly effective, significantly reducing the likelihood of coup attempts for middle-income states regardless of regime type.     

When Screams Are Not Released: A Study of Communication and Consent in Acquaintance Rape Situations

This study examines the importance of modes of communication in the context of acquaintance rape, using 96 reported cases of acquaintance rape from a southeastern law enforcement agency. Through the demographic characteristics of each acquaintance rape, as well as the testimonies of the complainants and—in some cases—the accused, this research reveals the way in which victims communicate their responses to these attacks. A typology of modes of communication clearly emerges from these qualitative data. The patterns of communication further underscore the likelihood of passive responses, particularly the complete lack of communication when the victim “freezes.” The implications of such response modes are considered.     

Race and the Housing Cycle: Differences in Home Equity Trends Among Long-Term Homeowners

During the past decade, housing markets across the United States experienced dramatic upheaval. Housing prices rose rapidly throughout much of the country from 2000 until the start of 2007 and then fell sharply during the next 2 years. Many households lost substantial amounts of equity during this downturn; in aggregate, U.S. homeowners lost $7 trillion in equity from 2006 to 2009. Aggregate home equity holdings had fallen back to 2000 levels by early 2009. Whereas this intense volatility has been well documented, there remain unanswered questions about the variation in experiences across racial groups, particularly among those who purchased their homes before the boom and kept them through the collapse of the market. Did this housing market upheaval widen the already large racial and ethnic gaps in housing wealth? Using the American Housing Survey, we analyze differences in the changes in home equity experienced by homeowners of different races and ethnicities between 2003 and 2009. We focus on homeowners who remained in their homes over this period, and find that blacks and Hispanics gained less home equity than whites and were more likely to end the period underwater. Black–white gaps were driven in part by racial disparities in income and education and differences in types of homes purchased. Latino–white disparities were most dramatic during the market’s bust.