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41.
This study aimed to develop an aquatic decomposition scoring (ADS) method and investigated the predictive value of this method in estimating the postmortem submersion interval (PMSI) of bodies recovered from the North Sea. This method, consisting of an ADS item list and a pictorial reference atlas, showed a high interobserver agreement (Krippendorff's alpha ≥ 0.93) and hence proved to be valid. This scoring method was applied to data, collected from closed cases—cases in which the postmortal submersion interval (PMSI) was known—concerning bodies recovered from the North Sea from 1990 to 2013. Thirty‐eight cases met the inclusion criteria and were scored by quantifying the observed total aquatic decomposition score (TADS). Statistical analysis demonstrated that TADS accurately predicts the PMSI (p < 0.001), confirming that the decomposition process in the North Sea is strongly correlated to time.  相似文献   
42.
Renée C. Fox 《Society》2011,48(1):77-77

Society’s Books of Note

Society’s Books of Note November/December 2010  相似文献   
43.
This paper explores the ambiguous purchase that claiming Turkish ethnicity has in Bulgarian Turkish migrants' attempts to access formal and social citizenship. I suggest that despite the new Citizenship Law, which appears to eliminate ethnic privilege, the emphasis on Turkish ethnicity continues to play a significant role in the migrants' attempts at inclusion. I seek to resolve this seeming tension between, on the one hand, the continuing significance of ‘Turkishness’ in migrants' discursive claims, and, on the other hand, the failure of most of these claims to materialize in practice by addressing the question of social and economic capital. Although ethnic belonging continues to be an important facet of citizenship, social class makes a significant difference in determining who qualifies as a citizen and has access to social citizenship. I thus argue that we need to expand the current terms of the debate on the inclusiveness of citizenship in Turkey, which revolve around ‘denationalization’ and ‘postnationalism,’ to include questions of class-based exclusion.  相似文献   
44.
Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Beziehung zwischen Parlamentsakten und der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention. Dabei wird beleuchtet, wie verschiedene Parlamentsakte in ein Spannungsverhältnis zu den Vorgaben der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention treten können. Die vorliegende Arbeit behandelt die maßgebliche Rechtslage hinsichtlich der österreichischen Parlamente bzw deren Mitglieder auf Bundes- sowie Landesebene.  相似文献   
45.
A fatal case of multidrug poisoning by tramadol and nicotine is reported. Tramadol is a centrally acting analgesic used in the treatment of moderate to severe acute or chronic pain. Nicotine, a lipid-soluble alkaloid, is one of the most readily available drugs in modern society. A 46-year-old man was found dead in his bed, and a suicide note was discovered near the body. He had 25 transdermal nicotine patches attached to his thorax and abdomen. Two half emptied bottles were found on the bedside table; the toxicological examination revealed that they contained tobacco and nicotine as well as other drugs such as diphenhydramine. At autopsy, areas of fresh and old myocardial infarction as well as diffuse pulmonary congestion and edema were present. The tramadol concentration was 6.6 μg/mL in femoral venous blood, while levels of nicotine and its primary metabolite cotinine were determined to be 0.6 and 2.0 μg/mL in femoral venous blood. Based on these results, we determined the cause of death to be cardiorespiratory failure induced by the additive effects of tramadol and nicotine shortly after consumption.  相似文献   
46.
47.
The economic crisis in Cameroon has provided a test for distinct causes of labour market segmentation. Many firms that previously followed rigid legislation have ceased to do so, while a traditional informal sector has continued outside almost all regulation. We categorise workers as informal, formal, or regulated, by firm characteristics, and test for labour market segmentation between these sectors. Direct legislation is the most significant cause of segmentation. We find limited evidence that the costs of becoming formal create rationing in formal‐sector jobs. While addressing both sets of rigidities would have maximum impact on unemployment in Cameroon, reforming direct labour legislation is likely to have the most beneficial short‐term impact.  相似文献   
48.
The Finnish electoral system has recently been changed to slightly increase proportionality, but nothing has been done to make cabinet alternatives more ‘identifiable’ before the election. This outcome poses a major puzzle for one important theoretical approach to electoral system change. This approach sees normatively ‘unbalanced’ systems as vulnerable to reform and would have expected a significant increase in the pre-electoral identifiability of competing cabinet options. The article explains the Finnish case by embedding it in a comparative model of normative tradeoffs in democratic design. Based on Finnish case evidence and a statistical analysis of 100 elections in 32 democracies (from 2001 to 2011), the article argues that the type of democracy exemplified by Finland is not normatively unbalanced. In particular, the lack of pre-electoral identifiability is compensated for by an unconstrained multidimensionality of partisan preferences. While it may be true that normatively balanced designs are more stable, there is more than one way to be balanced.  相似文献   
49.
Abstract

The aftershocks of the spring of 2011 in Japan led the nation into a paralysis of futureshock. But as the aftershocks continued and news of more radiation seeped out of the cracks in the tightly sealed industrial-political power generator, it became clear that the idea that the earthquake has brought a new reality to Japan must itself be resisted. Indeed what is now evident is that little has changed, despite renewed urgency to respond.

Although the waves of disaster in Japan unfolding from 11 March caught everyone off guard, in some significant ways Japan was already prepared. Such preparedness can be read into Japan's long history of dealing with disasters, twenty years of economic stagnation and the growing prevalence of mysticism and eschatology in pop culture in the wake of the Kobe earthquake and Aum Shinrikyō attacks on the Tokyo subway. So, rather than a rupture, an anomalous event, the series of catastrophes of the spring 2011 that appeared as if out of the blue could be narrativized in real time through social media and connected to historical and social contingencies and continuities.

Rather than mourning the passing of some Japan that may never have existed or may already have passed away some time in the early 1990s, 11 March should be the occasion for reflection on the past, action in the present and taking stock for the future. Fighting the tendency to be stunned into complacency, this special issue reflects on the past and future amid the aftershocks radiating from Fukushima and post-earthquake Japan.  相似文献   
50.
Representative democracy gives voters the right to influence who governs but its influence on policy making is only indirect. Free and fair referendums give voters the right to decide a policy directly. Elected representatives usually oppose referendums as redundant at best and as undermining their authority at worst. Democratic theorists tend to take electing representatives as normal and as normatively superior. The nominal association of popular decision making and populism has strengthened this negative view. Public opinion surveys show substantial support for holding referendums on important issues. Two major theories offer contrasting explanations for popular support for referendums; they reflect populist values or a commitment to the civic value of participation. This innovative paper tests an integrated model of both theories by the empirical analysis of a 17-country European survey. There is substantial support for all three civic hypotheses: referendum endorsement is positively influenced by attitudes towards participation, democratic ideals and whether elected representatives are perceived as responsive. By contrast, there is no support for populist hypotheses that the socioeconomically weak and excluded favour referendums and minimal support for the effect of extreme ideologies. The conclusion shows that most criticisms of referendums also apply to policy making by elected representatives. While referendums have limits on their use, there is a democratic argument for holding such ballots on major issues to see whether or not a majority of voters endorse the choice of their nominal representatives.  相似文献   
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