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This analysis examines the inter- and intra-racial/ethnicity effects of skin tone variations in a sample of probationers across three dependent variables: probation length, successful completion, and revocation due to technical violations. Darker tones were linked to shorter probation terms with the exception of African Americans, among whom no effect was found. Darker tones were also associated with a decreased likelihood of successful probation completion. Conversely, probation success likelihood was higher among light skinned Hispanics. Finally, lighter tones were also associated with increased risks of probation revocation. Importantly, across the analysis any significant effects for Whites dissipated once Hispanics were removed from the analysis. Explanations of the contrary findings are offered drawing from scholarship on normal crimes and racial threat. 相似文献
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Public Choice - Based on the observation of an unabated trend towards higher social spending-to-GDP ratios in advanced countries, the study analyzes the risk of social dominance, a situation in... 相似文献
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Under which circumstances do soldiers and officers desert in a violent domestic conflict? This article studies individual military insubordination in the Syrian civil war, drawing on interviews with deserters from the Syrian army now based in Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon. A plausibility probe of existing explanations reveals that desertion opportunities originating in conflict events and the presence of safe-havens fail to explain individual deserters' decision making. Accounting for socio-psychological factors—moral grievances and fear—generates more promising results for an inquiry into the conditions under which military personnel desert. While moral concerns with continued military service contribute to accumulating grievances among military members engaged in the civil war, fear—that is, soldiers' concerns for their own safety—is a more effective triggering cause of desertion. The article presents a theory-generating case study on the causes of military insubordination and disintegration during violent conflict. 相似文献
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This paper examines the reasons for the variable incidence and differing forms of historical sociology in several different
historical periods, with a focus on Germany and the USA. It examines the flows of social scientists between those two countries
due to forced exile from Nazi Germany, the American military occupation after 1945, and the voluntary exchange of scholars.
The article focuses on extrascientific determinants such as political support for historical scholarship and macrosocial crisis or stability, as well as determinants
that are more proximate or internal to the scientific field, such as the ongoing struggle between different epistemologies and the ability of historical sociology
to sequester itself into a protected subfield. Historical sociology was one of the two poles of German sociology before 1933,
whereas historical sociology had only a handful of proponents in the USA at that time. After 1933, the majority of German
historical sociologists went into exile, most of them to the USA. For reasons explored here, the historical orientation of
these exiled intellectuals had little resonance in the USA until the 1970s. Rather than being epistemologically “domesticated”
in the 1980s, as Calhoun (1996) argued, historical sociology established itself as a subfield that is large enough to produce an internal polarization between
an autonomous pole that relates mainly to history and other external allies and a heteronomous pole that mimics the protocols
that dominate the sociological discipline as a whole, including a neopositivist epistemology of “covering laws” and at attraction
to rational choice theory and quantitative methods, or qualitative simulacra of multivariate statistical analysis. In Germany,
historical sociology failed to survive the Nazi period. Several leading Weimar-era historical sociologists stayed in Germany
after 1933 but were unable to reestablish their prominence either because of their Nazi collaboration or because their work
was dismissed by a new generation trained during the Nazi period for presentist, policy-oriented, “American-style”, or else
trained in the USA after the war. The handful of exiled historical sociologists who returned to Germany after 1945 were marginalized,
stopped working historically, or moved into other disciplines like Political Science. The explanation of these trends has
to be multicausal and conjunctural. The influx of historical sociologists to the USA from Germany was unable to produce a
historicization of the discipline until 1970s, when positivist hegemony was challenged for other reasons. The crisis of Fordism
undermined the social regularities that had made positivist “constant conjunctions” seem plausible and at the same time rendered
historicist ontologies more plausible. The neo-Marxist historical sociology gave rise to a neo-institutionalist counter-trend,
which was itself eventually countered by a culturalist and conjuncturalist turn (Adams et al. 2005). In Germany, however, the society-wide destabilization of Fordism did not lead to a historicization of sociology. The extinguishing
of the Weimar-era historical school in sociology meant that only high theory and “American-style” empirical social research
remained as vital options. As a result, the crisis of Fordism and the ensuing social discontinuities and complexities did
not give rise to historical sociology but were felt mainly within theory (e.g., the “risk society” theory of Ulrich Beck). 相似文献
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Linnet K Steentoft A Simonsen KW Sabers A Hansen SH 《Forensic science international》2008,177(2-3):248-251
We present an oxcarbazepine-related fatality together with an overview of 26 postmortem cases involving oxcarbazepine observed during the period 2001-2006. The fatality case concerned a 27-year-old woman with epilepsy, who was found dead in her bed. Oxcarbazepine and its active metabolite, 10-hydroxycarbazepine, were the only compounds detected. The concentrations of oxcarbazepine were as follows: femoral blood, 2.9mg/kg; muscle, 1.8mg/kg; liver, 0.9mg/kg; gastric content (300ml), 860mg/kg; and vitreous humour, not detected. The concentrations of 10-hydroxycarbazepine were as follows: femoral blood, 66mg/kg; muscle, 40mg/kg; liver, 62mg/kg; gastric content, 27mg/kg; and vitreous humour, 25mg/kg. The analyses were performed by HPLC-DAD after liquid-liquid extraction. Oxcarbazepine intoxication was regarded as a possible cause of death. For the other 26 cases, the 10-hydroxycarbazepine concentrations ranged from 2.2 to 48mg/kg with a median of 25mg/kg. 相似文献
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