An Automated System for Argument Invention in Law Using Argumentation and Heuristic Search Procedures*

Abstract. A heuristic search procedure for inventing legal arguments is built on two tools already widely in use in argumentation. Argumentation schemes are forms of argument representing premise‐conclusion and inference structures of common types of arguments. Schemes especially useful in law represent defeasible arguments, like argument from expert opinion. Argument diagramming is a visualization tool used to display a chain of connected arguments linked together. One such tool, Araucaria, available free at http://araucaria.computing.dundee.ac.uk/ , helps a user display an argument on the computer screen as an inverted tree structure with an ultimate conclusion as the root of the tree. These argumentation tools are applicable to analyzing a mass of evidence in a case at trial, in a manner already known in law using heuristic methods ( Schum 1994 ) and Wigmore diagrams ( Wigmore 1931 ). In this paper it is shown how they can be automated and applied to the task of inventing legal arguments. One important application is to proof construction in trial preparation ( Palmer 2003 ).     

How the High Court Considers Policy

The Australian High Court has a long-standing policy role. In the past this has been disguised by the cloak of literalism. Recently, the court has been more transparent about a policy function, outlining the considerations shaping its policy framework. There is, however, scope for further reform in broadening the range of materials which influence judical decisions.     

Allocution b I'occasion de la parution du Rapport de la Commission royale sur les peuples autochtones

Sommaire: Dans cette allocution, les co-présidents de la Commission royale sur les peuples autochtones présentent quelques-uns des principaux thèmes et conclusions du rapport final de la Commission. D'entrée de jeu, ils insistent sur l'urgence de changer la relation entre Autochtones et non-Autochtones au Canada. Dans sa forme actuelle, cette relation entraine un gigantesque gaspillage de potentiel, d'argent et de vies humaines, lequel est confirmé par les statistiques sur les taux de suicide, sur l'alcoolisme et la toxicomanie, sur l'incarcération, sur le chômage, sur la dépendance à l'égard de l'aide sociale, sur l'abandon scolaire préoce, sur le mauvais état de santé et sur les piètres conditions de logement. Le rapport propose une stratégie détaillée sur 20 ans pour restaurer la santé sociale, économique et politique des peuples autochtones et redéfinir leur relation avec l'ensemble des Canadiens. Cette stratégie comporte un double cheminement vers le changement: un nouvel équilibre des pouvoirs politiques et des ressources économiques, complété par un effort en we de restaurer la santé et l'efficacité des individus, des familles, des collectivités et des nations. Les co-présidents croient que le Canada devrait s'engager à réduire de 50% l'écart des conditions sociales et économiques entre Autochtones et non-Autochtones au cours des vingt prochaines années. Ils font valoir que le Canada ne peut plus se permettre de maintenir l'actuel régime de dépendance, de productivité perdue et de dépenses sociales sans cesse croissantes. En effet, on estime à un peu plus de 13 milliards de dollars la somme que tous les gouvernements vont dépenser en 1996 rela-tivement aux Autochtones. Cette wmme pourrait passer à plus de 17 milliards annuellement dans 20 ans, du seul fait de la croissance démographique. Abstract: In this article, the co-chairs of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples present some of the major themes and conclusions of the final report of the commission. From the outset, they insist on the urgency of altering the relationship between aboriginal and non aboriginal people in Canada. As it now stands, that relationship is one of waste: wasted potential, wasted money, wasted lives. It is measured in statistic after statistic: in the rates of suicide, of substance abuse, of incarceration, of welfare dependance, of low educational attainment, of poor health and poor housing. The report proposes a comprehensive strategy over 20 years to restore the social, economic and political health to aboriginal peoples and rebuild their relationship with all Canadians. It entails the pursuit of two mutually reinforcing paths to change: rebalancing political authority and economic resources; and a reinforcing effort to restore health and effectiveness to individuals, families, communities and nations. It is the co-chairs' belief that Canada should commit to reducing by fifty per cent the gap between the social and economic condition of aboriginal and non aboriginal people over the next twenty years. They point out that Canada can no longer afford to maintain the current regime of dependency, lost productivity and ever-growing social expenditures. Indeed, the amount all governments will spend in 1996 in relation to aboriginal peoples is estimated at just over $13 billion. This could rise to over $17 billion annually in twenty years as a result of demographic pressure alone.     

THE EFFECTIVENESS OF A DEFINITE SENTENCE PAROLE PROGRAM

With the currently available evidence suggesting the failure of the treatment modality in corrections. parole systems throughout the United States have been the object of increasing criticism. This criticism is usually focused primarily at the indeterminate sentence and discretionary release to parole supervision, often considered integral components of a parole system. In this study, a parole system was examined that operates with definite sentencing and relatively less emphasis on discretionary release decision-making. The parole supervision aspect of this system was found to reduce markedly the post-release criminal activity of parolees as compared with a control group of discharges released from the same institutions, but not to parole supervision.     

THE BEST SEAT IN THE HOUSE: THE COURT ASSIGNMENT AND JUDICIAL SATISFACTION

A survey of 355 judges examined the differences in judicial satisfaction between those assigned to problem-solving courts—such as drug treatment and unified family—and judges in other more traditional assignments such as family law and criminal courts. The unified family court systems, like drug treatment courts, have generally adopted the principles of therapeutic jurisprudence. Significant differences were found on each of the three survey scales: (1) helpfulness, (2) attitude toward litigants, and (3) positive effects of assignment. The judges who were in the problem-solving courts (drug treatment and unified family court) scored higher on all three scales than those who were not (traditional family and criminal court). The group of problem-solving court judges consistently scored higher than the other group of judges, with the drug treatment court judges scoring the highest. The group of traditional criminal court and family court judges scored less positively, with the criminal court judges having the lowest scores. The problem-solving court judges were more likely to report believing that the role of the court should include helping litigants address the problems that brought them there and were more likely to observe positive changes in the litigants. They were also more likely to believe that litigants are motivated to change and are able to do so. They felt more respected by the litigants and were more likely to think that the litigants were grateful for help they received. The problem-solving court judges were also more likely to report being happy in their assignments and to believe that these assignments have a positive emotional effect on them.     

Theory building: the debate between modernist and interpretive social science in the pursuit of democratic governance

Bevir’s Democratic Governance advances a new theory of governance. The theory rejects reliance on bureaucracy, market and community on the one hand, and strives to embrace a participatory and deliberative rationality to achieve democratic governance on the other. The fundamental question remains: in what ways can his theory ease the tension and bridge the gap between democracy and bureaucracy? If readers are interested in the development of a more coherent theory on public administration or prefer a more balanced perspective in the study of democratic governance, this book serves as a good start, though it may not be able to give you the ultimate answer.