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91.
Samuel Popkin 《Society》2007,44(5):37-44
This article attempts to identify the general principles that underlie public reasoning about collective obligations and that
help explain when political parties can create new obligations or defend existing ones. I use these principles to President
Clinton’s unsuccessful attempt to create government health-care plan and attempts by President Bush to privatize Social Security.
The success of a party in selling – or defeating – an obligation depends upon what people believe about the competence and
capacity of government and the value of autonomy – choices made by each citizen; whether people perceive the obligation as
providing floors or establishing ceilings by limiting choice or otherwise restricting opportunities for the better-off; and
whether the program is more like insurance or more like welfare. A party’s ability to maintain credibility with voters also
depends upon whether party leaders can suppress issues that threaten intra-party elite pacts. When attempts to suppress “taboo”
issues like “stem cells” or “black crime” fail, the party loses credibility with its voters and attempts to defend or sell
obligations fail.
相似文献
Samuel PopkinEmail: |
92.
The two hallmarks of a critical election and, hence, of a critical realignment are the magnitude of the observed change and the durability of that change. In addition to offering a new approach to measuring durable change in national party dominance, and providing a non-parametric criterion to identify unusual changes in seat/vote shares, we provide fresh insights via a unifying statistical approach that reflects both of these factors simultaneously. Furthermore, we assess the robustness of critical election determinations in two ways. First, we compare the magnitude of inter-election shifts with both average volatility over the entire time period and volatility relative to a particular time period. Second, as an alternative to the usual perspective, we consider critical elections not as a one-time cataclysm, but rather as a pair (or perhaps even triple) of consecutive substantial shifts, generated by the same underlying factors. Overall, we distinguish six elections that marginally or provisionally meet our criteria to be critical elections. But focusing on pairs of elections, 1858–60 and 1930–32 stand out as critical among all elections since the 1850s. 相似文献
93.
Edwin Bikundo 《Law and Critique》2012,23(1):21-41
This is a theoretical and empirical investigation into the causal link (if any) between international criminal trials and
preventing violence through exemplary prosecutions. Specifically how do representative trials of persons accused of having
the greatest responsibility for the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole, supposedly bind
recurrent violence? The argument pursued is that by using an accused as an example, a court engages in an indirect and uncertain
substitution of personal rights for social harmony and order. These prosecutions combine a peculiar rhetoric, logic and aesthetic,
all which substitute the responsibilities for a society in general to a particular individual in order to redeem that society
by transferring its communal responsibility onto the individual punished as a form of atonement or expiation. International
and domestic trials, as well as truth and reconciliation commissions, are part of a suite of options addressing communal mass
violence that can work in tandem. However, because those convicted do not have a monopoly on criminality, nor do those merely
reconciled have a monopoly on virtue, exemplification through punishment only targets a few on behalf of the many. Indeed
such a redemptively sacrificial economy distinguishes legal justice from mere vengeance. 相似文献
94.
Monica K. Miller Samuel C. Lindsey Jennifer A. Kaufman 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2014,19(1):104-130
Parole board members (PBMs) decide whether to release inmates on parole. Decisions may be affected by in‐group bias or stereotypes regarding religion and race. Two experiments investigated whether religious conversions/secular lifestyle changes and race affect mock PBMs' release decisions, emotions, and perceptions. Mock PBMs read a case file of an inmate who was eligible for parole and decided whether to grant parole. Study 1 manipulated whether the inmate had converted to Christianity or Islam, had a secular lifestyle change, or had no lifestyle change. Study 2 also varied race (African American or Caucasian). Race was not a significant factor, possibly because the manipulation was not strong enough to influence participants or because participants did not want to appear racist. Conversions to Islam and Christianity impacted the parole decision, and effects were mediated by believability of the conversion. Secular lifestyle changes affected release decisions and were mediated by perceptions of the inmate and beliefs about his likelihood of recidivism. Such inmates were the most likely to be released and were perceived most positively; their conversions were the most believable. Inmates who made no changes were perceived least positively, indicating that any lifestyle change is better than none. Importantly, no bias towards either religion (Islam, Christianity) was found. Furthermore, conversion type affected how scared PBMs were of the inmate, but this fear did not impact release decisions. 相似文献
95.
Few studies focus on age as a factor influencing judicial decision-making, in spite of the widespread use of age as a control variable. Although the limited research to have done so is inconsistent, most scholars agree that age may be race- and/or gender-graded in a manner that produces more severe sentences for certain race–gender–age combinations, especially for young males who are Black or Latino. Less consensus exists with regard to whether older defendants are granted more leniency in the sentencing process and, if so, if the effects of older age are also race- and/or gender-graded. The present study examines this question by examining data from the United States Sentencing Commission. The data presented reveal three noteworthy findings. First, a ‘senior citizen discount’ exists insofar as judges afford more leniency in sentencing to older offenders than their younger counterparts. Second, compared to older males, older females were treated with greater leniency by judges. Finally, whereas Latinos 60 and over were treated with greater severity at the stage of incarceration compared to similarly situated Whites, Blacks received shorter sentence lengths on average. These results are analyzed within the framework of the focal concerns perspective. 相似文献
96.
Samuel Andrew Hardy 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2014,20(4):459-474
The illicit trade in antiquities from conflict zones is clandestine and politicised and it very likely involves violent, organised criminals, including paramilitaries and terrorists; so reliable, detailed information is extraordinarily difficult to access. Nonetheless, open-source data may provide clues to the structure of the market. This article reviews the development of the Cypriot antiquities trade until the outbreak of the civil war in 1963, through the cultural heritage crisis that accompanied that conflict until the coup and invasion of 1974. Then, adapting an established method for studying the scale of a small, undisturbed illicit market, it gauges communities’ participation in looting during the civil war in Cyprus. It does so by analysing the find-spot and acquisition date information in collections of antiquities recovered before and during conflict, and cross-referencing them with demographic and historical information in order to identify the communities from which the looters probably came. It uses this crude categorical method in order to assess ethnically-based narratives of looting and trading in illicit antiquities. The evidence suggests that: before the conflict, there was no correlation between community and looting; during the civil war, due to economic and geopolitical factors, members of Turkish Cypriot communities were disproportionately involved in looting; at the same time, members of Greek Cypriot communities were far more involved in looting than has previously been recognised; Greek Cypriot archaeologists have misinterpreted the structure of the trade and consequently contributed to communalist policies and nationalist histories; and the antiquities policy of the Republic of Cyprus was one of the significant causes of the developments in the trade. 相似文献
97.
In the nineteenth century, British and American parties competed by hiring electoral agents to bribe and treat voters. British parties abruptly abandoned this practice in the 1880s. The conventional explanation is that legislation put an end to agent‐mediated distribution. But this explanation leaves many questions unanswered. Why did the parties use agents for decades, even though they imposed great expense on candidates and were viewed as untrustworthy? And why, after decades of half‐hearted reforms, did the House of Commons pass effective antibribery reforms only in 1883? In our formal model, parties hire agents to solve information problems, but agent‐mediated distribution can be collectively suboptimal. Legislation can serve as a credibility device for shifting to less costly strategies. 相似文献
98.
Samuel A. Greene 《后苏联事务》2018,34(5):333-347
The common conception of Russian politics as an elite game of rent-seeking and autocratic management masks a great deal of ‘mundane’ policymaking, and few areas of social and economic activity have escaped at least some degree of reform in recent years. This article takes a closer look at four such reform attempts – involving higher education, welfare, housing and regional policy – in an effort to discern broad patterns governing how and when the state succeeds or fails. The evidence suggests that both masses and mid-level elites actively defend informality – usually interpreted in the literature as an agent-led response to deinstitutionalization and the breakdown of structure – creating a strong brake on state power. More than a quarter century into the post-Soviet period, this pattern of “aggressive immobility” – the purposeful and concerted defense by citizens of a weakly institutionalized state – has in fact become an entrenched, structural element in Russian politics. 相似文献
99.
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