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In East Asia, the Action Plan of the Coordinating Body of the Seas of East Asia (COBSEA) aims to protect the marine and coastal environment. COBSEA is funded by member countries and UNEP, member countries discuss common problems and resolve and diagnose cross-boundary degradation of marine environments. Success has come from funding for coral reef community activities and the Global Environment Facility funds for the South China Sea Project. COBSEA is actively engaged in the Global Plan of Action for Land-based sources of pollution and the Swedish Government is funding a programme to integrate marine and coastal activities in East Asian Seas. COBSEA is not always successful because of lack of member countries’ commitment and understanding of marine and coastal degradation by the wider community. COBSEA could easily combine with other agencies or have closer ties with them. It is suggested that the COBSEA member countries decide on a code of practice for donors and the responsibilities of funding recipients.
相似文献
Hugh KirkmanEmail: Phone: +63-9315-0576 |
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Hugh Pemberton 《Public administration》2000,78(4):771-792
Policy networks are advanced as an alternative to the Westminster model of the UK polity but the theory lacks an internal dynamic and has typological problems. This article applies Peter Hall's (1993) concept of 'social learning' to policy networks and maps the networks found in two case studies of British economic policy making: Hall's own study of the shift from Keynesianism to monetarism in the 1970s and the author's research on the advent of 'Keynesian-plus' in the early 1960s. The article advances three main propositions. Firstly, that integrating the concept of social learning can dynamize the policy network model. Secondly, the case studies suggest that different network configurations are associated with different orders of policy change but that Hall's definition of 'third order change' may be too restrictive. Thirdly, policy networks can be much more complex and fluid then is generally claimed, sometimes becoming so extensive that they might be termed a 'meta-network'. 相似文献
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Hugh Pemberton 《The Political quarterly》2017,88(3):510-516
Women Against State Pension Inequality (WASPI) has mounted a vociferous campaign for full compensation to be given to ‘1950s women’ who, it argues, have suffered severe financial hardship as a result of the rise in their state pension age from age 60. That campaign has gained significant political traction, with much sympathy expressed for the plight of those affected and acceptance (most notably by the Scottish National Party and the Labour Party) that some form of compensation is urgently needed. But WASPI fails to acknowledge the rise in the state pension age's roots in the fight for women's equality, disregards the fact that the problems experienced by this cohort as they near retirement are faced by both women and men and glosses over the fact that the increase in pension age above 65 applies to both genders equally. Its campaign obscures deeper and more important issues in old‐age income replacement. 相似文献
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D. Hugh Whittaker Tianbiao Zhu Timothy Sturgeon Mon Han Tsai Toshie Okita 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2010,45(4):439-467
In this paper we argue that the path of economic development for would-be developers has changed fundamentally since the 1980s.
Focusing on East Asia, and taking a broad perspective that spans the economic and social dimensions of development, we contend
that the path charted by the “late development” model has become all but impassible. The path is now better conceived as one
of “compressed development.” Key differences are 1) the extent and consequences of compression; 2) the primary mode of engagement
with the world economy—via global value chains; and 3) the interaction of these. Compressed development forces states to address
a number of simultaneous challenges, resulting in “policy stretch.” We identify key features of an “adaptive state” suited
to navigating the path of compressed development. 相似文献