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Abstract

Little is known about the predictors of quality of life among refugee women. 104 refugee women-at-risk were recruited within 6 months of arriving in Australia. A structured questionnaire was administered using standardized tools to assess pre-migration trauma, post-migration living difficulties, social capital, social networks, and quality of life. Hierarchical multiple and logistic regressions assessed factors predicting quality of life. Post-migration factors such as low trust in the community, and lack of support from individuals in their social networks predicted poorer quality of life. These findings have implications for community and social programs for refugee women-at-risk.  相似文献   
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We deal in this article with the relationship between ETA attacks and electoral support for Batasuna, its political wing. We show that the relationship is twofold, since the geographical distribution of electoral support for the terrorists affects the location of ETA attacks, but violence also influences electoral support for the terrorist cause. On the one hand, when ETA chooses a location for its attacks, it takes into account the electoral strength of Batasuna. Our results show that the higher the vote for Batasuna in a municipality, the more likely members of the security forces will be killed there. With regard to the targeting of civilians, the relationship is curvilinear. ETA kills civilians in municipalities that are polarized, where support for Batasuna falls short of being hegemonic. On the other hand, our results also show that ETA attacks have an effect on the size of its support community. When ETA kills members of the security forces, voters punish the Batasuna party electorally. In the case of civilians, it depends on the specifics of the various campaigns. We find that when ETA kills informers and drug-dealers, the vote for Batasuna increases. ETA's killing of non-nationalist politicians, however, decreases Batasuna's vote share.  相似文献   
44.
Party systems diverge in their levels of nationalisation. While in some countries parties obtain similar levels of electoral support in all districts, in others parties get very asymmetric electoral shares across districts. The distributive consequences of this have been seldom studied. The argument tested here is that when political parties have nationalised electorates they have stronger incentives to provide social policies that spread benefits all over the territory. This argument is tested in 22 OECD democracies for the period 1980?2006. The results show that, regardless of the electoral system in place, there is a positive relation between party system nationalisation and social spending.  相似文献   
45.
What are the most appropriate methodological approaches forresearching the psychosocial determinants of health and wellbeingamong young people from refugee backgrounds over the resettlementperiod? What kinds of research models can involve young peoplein meaningful reflections on their lives and futures while simultaneouslyyielding valid data to inform services and policy? This paperreports on the methods developed for a longitudinal study ofhealth and wellbeing among young people from refugee backgroundsin Melbourne, Australia. The study involves 100 newly-arrivedyoung people 12 to 18 years of age, and employs a combinationof qualitative and quantitative methods implemented as a seriesof activities carried out by participants in personalized settlementjournals. This paper highlights the need to think outside thebox of traditional qualitative and/or quantitative approachesfor social research into refugee youth health and illustrateshow integrated approaches can produce information that is meaningfulto policy makers, service providers and to the young peoplethemselves.  相似文献   
46.
Using original data from the period 1999–2011 on federal infrastructure investment for all subnational units in two federations, Argentina and Brazil, and a unitary nation, Colombia, this study shows that in developing federal countries with strong governors, presidents use nonearmarked transfers as a tool to compensate governors for sizable and secure territorial political support. The study argues that in these cases, resources do not make electoral power but chase it. In the unitary case, conversely, governors do not influence distributive politics. Variation also was found in the relevance of Congress, legislative overrepresentation, and programmatic criteria across cases. The article discusses possible reasons for these results and their implications for the comparative debate on distributive politics.  相似文献   
47.
This article analyzes the choice of tactics by armed groups. We claim this choice is largely determined by the capacity of the rebel groups to control territory. Groups that are not able to liberate territory remain underground and have to rely mainly on bombings. Groups with territorial control engage in guerrilla-like attacks in which there is a physical encounter with the enemy. This conjecture is tested and largely confirmed at three levels: a cross-sectional analysis of the distribution of tactics in 122 armed groups, using compositional data analysis; a geographical analysis of the distribution of tactics in the largest cities as opposed to the rest of the country; and a case study of Hezbollah.  相似文献   
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This study examined the role that Mexican ethnicity, acculturation into Anglo American society, and social integration play in intimate partner violence among a sample of 348 college students. The results indicated that Mexican American ethnicity and acculturation into Anglo American society by Mexican American college students had no relation to intimate partner violence. However, integration into society was associated with a decreased probability of severely assaulting a partner among both Mexican Americans and Non-Mexican Whites. The results support a control theory perspective (social integration) on intimate partner violence.  相似文献   
50.
This study analyzed a sample of 348 college students to examine the role that criminal history and Mexican ethnicity play in predicting intimate partner violence. Respondents who committed crimes in the past (before the age of 15) had a higher probability of severely physically assaulting a partner than those respondents who had committed crime later in life (after the age of 15). A history of property crime was found to be a better predictor of severe partner assault than a history of violent crime. The results support a generalist perspective on crime, which states that most individuals typically do not commit one type of crime solely but commit a variety of different crimes (property and violent). This study also found differences between Mexican American and non-Mexican White students in reference to minor assaults on a partner.  相似文献   
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