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21.
Imran Ahmed 《圆桌》2018,107(3):317-328
Muslim-majority countries often face the question of how to reconcile the place and role of religion within the framework of the nation state and a modern westernised system of constitutional ordering. And few states have wrangled with the politics of constitutionalising religion as profoundly and persistently as the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. This paper argues that insights drawn from Pakistan are pertinent as much for contemporary debates on Islam within many Muslim-majority countries as they are for wider debates on religion and politics in the modern period. It argues that when contemplating the constitutionalisation of Islam and Islamic provisions: the design and jurisdiction of the courts matter; it may be better to achieve a workable political compromise between competing parties on religious matters than to stall or strive for the realisation of some ideal; the constitution should be free of any sectarian bias; and constitution-makers must take more structural matters such as the separation of powers seriously when considering discussions on religion and politics. 相似文献
22.
The UK Counter Terrorism and Security Act (2015) (CTSA) calls for a partnership between the government, individuals, organisations and communities to prevent the radicalisation of individuals and to prevent their participation in terrorist and illegal activities. As part of this strategy, universities have a statutory duty placed upon them to remain vigilant to signs of extremism. Based upon 20 interviews with UK university lecturers, the paper examines reactions of the academic community to this governmental mandate. Key to our understanding is the deputisation of lecturers into a security regime and how they perform the duty of identifying and monitoring extremism. Equally, forms of resistance are evident in how lecturers understand their new roles and for universities themselves a conservative approach to risk may be gaining traction. We argue there is confusion around the CTSA based upon the ambiguous language in which it is presented and the conservative and defensive reactions that have subsequently produced concern amongst lecturers and UK universities. 相似文献
23.
In Bangladesh as in other Muslim majority societies, Islamist forces have emphasized the importance of women adopting traditional religious practices, such as wearing “the veil”, as a cultural symbol and a weapon in the movement of Islamization against Western Modernization. On the question of modernity although some Islamic groups hold extreme attitudes of imagining it as ‘immoral’ and ‘dangerous’, there are other activists who negotiate to engage modernity by controlling its negative impacts through reinventing Islamic tradition. The discursive shift is mainly towards establishing modern civil society based, middle class led and urban organizations. In reaction to the image of commodification of the woman's body in Western modernity, they construct women wearing hijab in the public space as an image of “Modern Muslim Women”. This article explores how women negotiate modernist and Islamist discourses and thereby engage in the politics of everyday living. It argues that woman's agency moves beyond analysis of women as mere victims of ideological constructions. 相似文献
24.
As the phenomenon of populism is in the preliminary stages of exploratory research, the present study involves an empirical investigation involving a case study of the United States, India, and Brazil to examine whether a correlation exists between populism and management of COVID-19. The study adopts the ideational approach of populism as a set of ideas or discourse to review how core conceptual features of populism have impacted on management of COVID-19. The study has two main objectives: (1) to examine whether populism in the United States, India, and Brazil has determined “a populist response” to the pandemic in dealing with the health crises and (2) to explore the management of COVID-19 in the states led by right-wing populism and the commonality of populist approaches adopted in handling the health crisis. Comparing the three states' statistical data of management models, the study has argued that common populist mechanisms such as distrust for experts, contempt for institutions, and suspicion of “others” have guided the US, India, and Brazilian leadership response to COVID-19. It further argues that leadership in the United States, India, and Brazil has prevented effective management by politicizing the crisis, aggravating social polarization, and contradicting expert advice. Moreover, populist and nationalist orientation of the leadership has evaded responsibility in these states with the leadership blaming ethnicities for spreading the virus and by weakening societal solidarity. 相似文献
25.
Shardha Nand Abdul Hameed Pitafi Shamsa Kanwal Adnan Pitafi Muhammad Imran Rasheed 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2020,20(1)
As the number of smartphone users have increased worldwide, research on the usage of the smartphone has received scholarly attention. However, different results were found in previous studies in different contexts. The main research question is whether adopting smartphones by students improve learning or generates interference. The purpose of this study is to examine the usage of smartphone among university students in Pakistan. Using a survey approach, data were collected from different universities/colleges of Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan. total, 585 entries was analyzed using SPSS 21.0 and AMOS 21.0 software. Results of analysis, validated most of the hypothesis showing the intention of Pakistani students towards smartphone usage for academic purpose. In addition, findings confirm that students' self‐efficacy related to a smartphone works as a moderating role of intention to use a smartphone for learning and actual usage of the smartphone. The current study has several implications in terms of smartphone usage and student academic performance. Limitations and implications of the study are also discussed in the last section. 相似文献
26.
Does job location impact on job satisfaction and self‐esteem? To answer this question, a sample of 298 responses was drawn from business process outsourcing employees working in four different locations in two south Indian states. The study conducted in both rural and urban locations witnessed that the job location (rural/urban) has a significant impact on job satisfaction and self‐esteem despite similar job demands and resource support conditions for all the respondents. Results show a very large divergence in self‐esteem between rural and urban settings and some divergence across genders. Location of delivery centres in smaller towns could thus be an effective solution for the high turnover experienced at urban delivery centres handling data capture and such low end processing. 相似文献
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