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61.
Irina Kuznetsova 《欧亚研究》2020,72(3):505-527
AbstractThe essay focuses on Russian policy towards displaced persons from Ukraine’s war-torn territories from 2014 until mid-2019. The privileging of refugees from Ukraine relative to immigrants and refugees from other countries and, later, the granting of Russian citizenship to Ukrainian citizens from the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, were interwoven with both influence-seeking in the Russian geopolitical neighbourhood and transborder nationalism and supported via direct presidential control of immigration. Despite a series of decrees and involvement of civil society in providing support, this essay detected a lack of efficient mechanisms for responding to the needs of the displaced. 相似文献
62.
63.
The prevalence of singed hairs on hands was examined in a representative sample comprised primarily of Hamburg LKA staff members to determine the evidential value of such traces in criminal cases. Hair samples were taken from the hands of 160 subjects and examined under a microscope. Evidence of singing was found in 53 of the samples. These traces were largely restricted to a limited number of areas. Distribution of singed hairs over a wide area was observed in just 3 subjects all of whom reported contact with an open flame. The presence of singed hair on the back of the hand can be of great evidential value, though the corresponding distribution pattern must be carefully interpreted. 相似文献
64.
Our article examines business lobbying in contemporary Russia within the wider context of lobbying in the decision‐making system overall. It is argued that, although lobbies were an important part of the old Soviet system, the defence of corporate interests was held within ‘natural’ limits by an overriding concern to maintain the established consensus ‐ in the form of a bureaucratic corporatist economy. In the perestroika and post‐perestroika years, however, lobbies themselves took front stage becoming the decisive element in the economy. Easily the most important, in terms of economic strength and political influence, were the various business interest groups, which we have attempted to classify according to their lobbying potential and the channels of influence available to them. The peculiarities of business interest lobbying are also considered, including the as yet unsatisfied quest for political representation, the tendency for management and employees to ‘row together’, the huge potential of uncontrollable lobbying ‘from below’ in the face of growing social tensions and, finally, the disparity between lobbying and other forms of state‐society relations. 相似文献
65.
Irina Levin 《Citizenship Studies》2018,22(1):19-36
After years of frenetic cross-border movement, in 2014, a mother and daughter live in post-Soviet Georgia as practically stateless noncitizens. Recognizing the advantages of citizenship, they commit their limited resources to obtaining citizenship documents. Through an analysis of their attempts to make citizenship claims and build stable lives, this paper argues that the contemporary Georgian citizenship regime fosters a relationship that further destabilizes the lives of already vulnerable non-citizens. It does so by drawing them in with the promise of citizenship – only to deny them. Yet, Georgian citizenship law is neither uniquely malicious nor indifferent; its form of ‘inclusive exclusion’ is an inherent feature of the reigning paradigm of global citizenship. In this context, far from being passive subjects, non-citizens facing consistent official refusals and seemingly flagrant obfuscation actively attempt to both maintain their relationship with the state and transform it in their favor. 相似文献
66.
Diego Andreucci María Jesús Beltrán Irina Velicu Christos Zografos 《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2017,28(3):18-27
This special issue presents findings and reflections of scholars who participated in the European Network of Political Ecology (ENTITLE). By mobilising conceptual frameworks from several strands of Marxist and post-structuralist theory—and empirically engaging with a range of historico-geographical processes—the articles in this issue contribute to debates in political ecology in two main ways. First, they critically analyse the political economy and ecology of contemporary capitalism, with an emphasis on accumulation strategies associated with the uneven expansion and crisis of neoliberalism. Specifically, they unpack and critically extend the frameworks of “accumulation by dispossession” and “nature's neoliberalisation” to engage with, among other cases, the political ecology of “austerity” in Southern Europe; historical and contemporary cases of “capital-driven disasters”; and political ecological dynamics taking place around relationships of “rent”. Second, the authors of this special issue analyse new and re-emerging forms of socio-ecological resistance and contestation, including both distributional struggles and movements against “commons' enclosures”. Moreover, they focus on how struggles can (and do) move from contesting capitalist forms of dispossession towards creating alternative “hegemonic” projects and blocs, by critiquing received “common sense” and constructing and performing alternative political ecological imaginaries informed by principles of solidarity and “commoning”. Taken together, the articles in this special issue present new ways of thinking and enacting political and ecological struggles outside established scholarly traditions and conventional disciplines. 相似文献
67.
Irina Mukhina 《Women's history review》2014,23(1):99-119
In the early 1940s, the Germans of the Soviet Union were mobilized into the labor armies to work for the Soviet war effort. Despite the nationwide ‘feminization of machinery’ in the Soviet Union during the war years, German women deportees were denied access to skilled employment out of a mixture of gender stereotypes and fear of treason. Labor patterns and access to technology in labor armies thus offer a curious insight into the workings of a large sector of economy of the Soviet Union based on forced labor as well as help expose stereotypes about the gendered division of labor that persisted in the Soviet Union despite its many years of gender equality propaganda. 相似文献
68.
AbstractThe diversification of allegiances with several more powerful states is seen as a way for minor actors to improve their strategic position in the international system. The result, however, could become less than desirable when these relations are both essential and contradictory. This article intends to examine the challenges for Transnistrian foreign policy through the concepts of bandwagoning and balancing. It uses alternative neorealist perspectives to identify various types of alignment and then examines how this landlocked territorial entity attempts to use relations with Russia and Ukraine to protect its statehood and identity in the context of the ongoing threat from Moldova. This article identifies that twice in the last decade (after the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan), the strategy of ‘dual alignment’ failed. It claims that recent attempts by both the EU and Ukraine to weaken Russia’s position in the region by isolating Transnistria has led to a further strengthening of ties between this actor and Moscow. 相似文献
69.
Andrew Stickley Olga Kislitsyna Irina Timofeeva Denny Vågerö 《Journal of family violence》2008,23(6):447-456
This study examines attitudes towards violence against women among the populace in Moscow, Russia using data drawn from the
Moscow Health Survey. Information was obtained from 1,190 subjects (510 men and 680 women) about their perceptions of whether
violence against women was a serious problem in contemporary Russia, and under what circumstances they thought it was justifiable
for a husband to hit his wife. Less than half the respondents thought violence was a serious problem, while for a small number
of interviewees there were several scenarios where violence was regarded as being permissible against a wife. Being young,
divorced or widowed, having financial difficulties, and regularly consuming alcohol were associated with attitudes more supportive
of violence amongst men; having a low educational level underpinned supportive attitudes among both men and women. Results
are discussed in terms of the public reemergence of patriarchal attitudes in Russia in the post-Soviet period. 相似文献
70.
This article examines the relationship between heads of regional administrations (governors) and the federal government in Russia since 1992. It looks at the methods with which governors have enhanced their powers vis-a-vis Moscow and at the policies of the federal authorities aimed at preserving some form of control over regional officials. The article argues that the gubernatorial elections of September 1996–March 1997, which gave almost all governors a popular mandate, will not considerably change the balance of power in center-periphery relations, despite fears to this effect among members of the Presidential Administration. 相似文献