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Nine Y chromosome short tandem repeat (STR) loci (DYS385a, DYS385b, DYS389I, DYS389II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393 and DYS19 (DYS394)) were typed in 669 individuals belonging to 16 populations from the Caucasus, Turkey and Iran. 相似文献
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Ivan Manokha 《政治学》2004,24(1):56-64
The subject of this article is the increasing commitment declared by business enterprises to ethical business practices and corporate social responsibility. It is approached using Jean Baudrillard's analysis of the way 'signifiers' are attached to products in advanced capitalist society. In such societies signifiers are split off from signifieds and their referents (commodities). The main linguistic form is not the symbol, as in previous social settings, but the signal. Since the linguistic elements are fragmented, signifiers are able to 'float' in the social space and be combined with the signifieds and referents at will. Thus, the producers often emphasise not the use value of the commodities in their advertisement but instead randomly attach various qualities to commodities irrespective of their functionality or material utility. In this article the development of corporate social responsibility is seen as such a signifier and the implications thereof for the late-modern Global Political Economy are discussed. 相似文献
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After the signing of the Dayton Agreement, critical literature has attempted to portray consociation in Bosnia and Herzegovina as the predominant source of the country's political problems. At the same time, this literature has widely neglected the centripetal rules that have existed since the first elections of the tripartite Presidency. The paper analyzes the outcomes of the existing centripetal cross-ethnic vote pooling rules. It concludes that such outcomes are negative and it then discusses a possible solution by drawing inspiration from the application of the Bernese Jura's geometric mean. The paper focuses on the election of the Croat member in the tripartite Presidency as representative of the least numerous ethnic group. We argue that the application of the geometric mean based upon results in Croat-majority municipalities could eliminate certain grievances and weakens the chances for election of the Croat member by voters from dominantly Bosniak areas. 相似文献
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AbstractThe article examines different types of macropolitical identities in Ukraine and their interaction in establishing political order in the country. The authors argue that political institutional design was unfavourable to the Russian diaspora in eastern and southern regions. It hindered stable development of post-Soviet identity between Russians in the country. But during the Euromaidan protests, the Russians reacted to unpleasant political situation by exploring who they were and what social and political goals they had. Having been incipient for decades, the identity of the diaspora evolved in a soaring way within three or four months. The violent actions of the newly established government in Kiev radicalized the Russian diaspora. Diasporants started establishing alternative authorities in regions where government had no monopoly on the use of force. The involvement of Russia and international volunteers complexifies the situation in Donbass and the identity formation process in unrecognized republics also known as DNR and LNR. 相似文献
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Although attitudes toward intimate partner violence (IPV) have been the subject of many studies, little research has been conducted to comparatively assess public definitions of IPV in Western and non-Western countries. Drawing upon survey data collected from approximately 500 Chinese and American college students, this study compared and contrasted Chinese and American college students in their beliefs about what constitute IPV. Chinese students were found to be less likely to define abusive acts as IPV than their U.S. counterparts. Gender-role attitudes, such as beliefs of male dominance and IPV as crime, were among the most prominent predictors of students’ definitions of IPV. Chinese and American college students’ attitudes differed not only in what was defined as IPV, but also in what were the factors that shaped such attitudes. Directions for future research and policy were discussed. 相似文献
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Attitudes towards the perceived seriousness of road traffic offenses were studied as a function of the age and sex of drivers. Ratings of seriousness of 31 verbalized offenses were analyzed using detection theory parameters to study sensitivity and bias effects in the discrimination of “overt” and “covert” offenses. Overt offenses were defined as those which are immediately obvious to a casual observer, such as jumping red traffic lights. Covert offenses are those not so easily observable, such as driving a defective vehicle. The latter are inherently more hazardous, because they do not allow other road users to adopt appropriate margins of safety. The results indicated that young male drivers were relatively insensitive in discriminating between overt and covert offenses compared with other subgroups of drivers tested. Instructions which directed drivers to judge the offenses from the standpoints of personal responsibility, or involvement in, or the social consequences of, any accidental outcome, increased sensitivity relative to no such instructions being given. Analysis of the rating data itself showed that, overall, overtly offensive driving was considered less serious than covertly offensive driving. This was particularly the case for male and younger drivers. Possible implications of the results for legal sanctioning and other accident countermeasures are discussed. 相似文献