Putting the Brakes on the Rush to Spend Down End‐of‐Year Balances: Carryover Money in Oklahoma State Agencies

End‐of‐the‐year spending sprees by government agencies are viewed generally as an example of government wastefulness. Agency personnel, however, rationalize the practice as a means for protecting their budgets from inexpedient cuts. In Oklahoma, a policy has been adopted that allows agencies to carry over and reprogram year‐end surpluses as long as the reprogrammed funds are spent within 16.5 months of the end of the fiscal year. Using agency theory as a theoretical lens, we show that this policy restructures the contract between the principal (legislature) and its agents (state agencies) so that their interests are better aligned, regarding end‐of‐the‐year surpluses.     

Correlates Of Cynicism: The Case For Black Police Officers

In this paper we test the relationship between perceived satisfaction with promotion policy and cynical attitudes for fifty-seven black male officers in a southern metropolitan police department. Correlation analyses revealed that selected variables taken from the Niederhoffer (1967) model relate to feelings of mistrust in hypothesized directions. Satisfaction with promotion policy was observed to be the most important predictor of cynicism after controlling for the effects of rank, years of service, and education. Equity motivation theory is then presented as an approach to modify traditional opportunity structures grounded in politics and seniority.     

Organized Crime in Africa

This paper examines the extent to which the crime problem—adult crime and juvenile delinquency—in general and elements of organized crime in particular have surfaced in the 1960's and 1970's in the new states of Africa. That is, it touches on what observers of the African scene used to say about it as a point of departure. The emergence of the crime problem in the 1960's and 1970's is mentioned in order to provide the logical linkage between the existence of the crime problem in general and the emergence of organized crime in particular in some of these states.

The extent to which organized crime in the new states of Africa resembles in other parts of the world, particularly in the United States and in Western European countries, is examined in terms of definition and organizational structure. In the latter case, the examination is done in order to briefly shed some light on such aspects as the scope of legitimate and illegitimate activities and the impact of organized crime on the new states of Africa.

By way of summary, implications of the study of organized crime in the new states of Africa are examined in so far as they have a bearing on the development of African criminology, and the latter, in turn, in its contribution to nation-building.     

Television and the Incumbency Advantage in U.S. Elections

We use the structure of media markets within states and across state boundaries to study the relationship between television and electoral competition. In particular, we compare incumbent vote margins in media markets where content originates in the same state as media consumers versus vote margins where content originates out of state. This contrast provides a clear test of whether or not television coverage correlates with the incumbency advantage. We study U.S. Senate and state gubernatorial races from the 1950s through the 1990s and find that the effect of TV is small, directionally indeterminate, and statistically insignificant.     

THE SOCIAL SOURCES OF AMERICANS' PUNITIVENESS: A TEST OF THREE COMPETING MODELS*

The sustained movement to “get tough” on crime, especially through mass imprisonment, has prompted several prominent efforts to explain the public's harshness toward crime. From the extant literature, we demarcate the following three competing theories of public punitiveness: the escalating crime-distrust model, the moral decline model, and the racial animus model. Controlling for other known predictors of crime-related opinions, we test the explanatory power of these perspectives to account for support for the death penalty and for a punitive crime-control approach. Our analysis of a national sample of respondents surveyed in the 2000 National Election Study reveals partial support for each model. Racial animus, however, seems to exert the most consistent effect on public sentiments. This finding suggests that racial resentments are inextricably entwined in public punitiveness and thus should be incorporated into any complete theory of this phenomenon.