全文获取类型
收费全文 | 719篇 |
免费 | 11篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 81篇 |
工人农民 | 3篇 |
世界政治 | 90篇 |
外交国际关系 | 13篇 |
法律 | 305篇 |
中国政治 | 33篇 |
政治理论 | 205篇 |
出版年
2015年 | 7篇 |
2014年 | 18篇 |
2013年 | 56篇 |
2012年 | 33篇 |
2011年 | 19篇 |
2010年 | 23篇 |
2009年 | 23篇 |
2008年 | 33篇 |
2007年 | 21篇 |
2006年 | 21篇 |
2005年 | 20篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 18篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 10篇 |
1998年 | 9篇 |
1997年 | 13篇 |
1996年 | 13篇 |
1995年 | 9篇 |
1994年 | 17篇 |
1993年 | 14篇 |
1992年 | 14篇 |
1991年 | 11篇 |
1990年 | 16篇 |
1989年 | 12篇 |
1988年 | 12篇 |
1987年 | 17篇 |
1986年 | 18篇 |
1985年 | 22篇 |
1984年 | 17篇 |
1983年 | 13篇 |
1982年 | 13篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1980年 | 11篇 |
1979年 | 14篇 |
1978年 | 9篇 |
1977年 | 11篇 |
1976年 | 13篇 |
1975年 | 8篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1973年 | 5篇 |
1972年 | 8篇 |
1971年 | 7篇 |
1970年 | 8篇 |
1969年 | 9篇 |
1967年 | 5篇 |
1966年 | 5篇 |
1963年 | 5篇 |
1962年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有730条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
161.
In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on New York City and Washington, D.C. on September 11, 2001, U.S. government and military leaders often articulated distinctly pro-American themes in their public communications. We argue that this national identity discourse was at the heart of the U.S. government's attempt to unite the American public and to mobilize support for the ensuing "war on terrorism." With this perspective, we content analyzed Time and Newsweek newsmagazines for the five weeks following September 11 to identify potential communication strategies employed by government and military leaders to promote a sense of U.S. national identity. Findings suggest (a) that government and military officials consistently emphasized American core values and themes of U.S. strength and power while simultaneously demonizing the "enemy," and (b) that journalists closely paralleled these nationalist themes in their language. 相似文献
162.
Drawing on the findings of an extensive study of local and regional newspaper reporting of the 2001 UK general election, this article contests the widely held view that readers' letters' pages provide a public forum for discussion and debate initiated by readers. The article argues that during election campaigns, local parties may become highly influential in shaping the contents of letters pages as part of their broader media based campaigning strategy. For their part, editors select letters not simply according to their newsworthiness but to reflect the identity of the newspaper, to meet the perceived preferences of readers, as well as the more prosaic requirements of availability of space and editorial imperatives concerning balance. A fivefold typology of readers' letters is constructed and illustrated by reference to newspaper discussions of, among other matters, British membership of Europe and issues around taxation. 相似文献
163.
Defining “neighborhoods” is a bedeviling challenge faced by all studies of neighborhood effects and ecological models of social processes. Although scholars frequently lament the inadequacies of the various existing definitions of “neighborhood,” we argue that previous strategies relying on nonoverlapping boundaries such as block groups and tracts are fundamentally flawed. The approach taken here instead builds on insights of the mental mapping literature, the social networks literature, the daily activities pattern literature, and the travel to crime literature to propose a new definition of neighborhoods: egohoods. These egohoods are conceptualized as waves washing across the surface of cities, as opposed to independent units with nonoverlapping boundaries. This approach is illustrated using crime data from nine cities: Buffalo, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Dallas, Los Angeles, Sacramento, St. Louis, and Tucson. The results show that measures aggregated to our egohoods explain more of the variation in crime across the social environment than do models with measures aggregated to block groups or tracts. The results also suggest that measuring inequality in egohoods provides dramatically stronger positive effects on crime rates than when using the nonoverlapping boundary approach, highlighting the important new insights that can be obtained by using our egohood approach. 相似文献
164.
165.
JOHN JAY ROUSE 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2013,37(1-2):71-83
The dominant approach in Swedish corrections is to deinstitutionalize as many offenders as possible. This started in the 1960's when Sweden decided that rehabilitation, and secondarily deterrence, would be the overriding goals of its correctional program. This has remained true despite the statistical evidence indicating that the goal of rehabilitation has not been achieved to any significant extent. The dominant belief in Sweden is that prison is harmful and counterproductive when the overall aim is to reintegrate the offender into society. 相似文献
166.
JOHN S.F. WRIGHT PAUL G. DEMPSTER JUSTIN KEEN PAULINE ALLEN ANDREW HUTCHINGS 《Public administration》2012,90(2):351-369
New governance arrangements for NHS Foundation Trusts (FTs) aimed to replace centralized state ownership of acute English hospitals with a new form of social ownership. Under this, trusts would exist as independent public interest organizations on the model of mutuals and co‐operative societies. Assessing the impact of the new arrangements on the management structure of four acute hospitals, we demonstrate that FTs have failed to deliver social ownership and local accountability on this model. We suggest that policy‐makers should re‐frame the governance apparatus associated with mutualism and social ownership in terms of the concept of meta‐regulation. By re‐framing governors as meta‐regulators, regulatory institutions would acquire new powers to steer FTs towards sustainable forms of compliance via non‐coercive, non‐intrusive means. 相似文献
167.
168.
169.
In Crime and the American Dream, Messner and Rosenfeld contend that culturally and structurally produced pressures to secure monetary rewards, coupled with weak controls from noneconomic social institutions, promote high levels of instrumental crime. Empirically, they suggest that the effects of economic conditions on profit-related crime depend on the strength of noneconomic institutions. This investigation evaluates this proposition with cross-sectional data for U.S. states. In brief; the nonlinear models show considerable, indirect support for Messner and Rosenfeld's institutional anomie theory, revealing that the effects of poverty on property crime depend on levels of structural indicators of the capacity of noneconomic institutions to ameliorate the criminogenic impact of economic deprivation. The implications of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
170.