全文获取类型
收费全文 | 723篇 |
免费 | 11篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 81篇 |
工人农民 | 3篇 |
世界政治 | 90篇 |
外交国际关系 | 13篇 |
法律 | 308篇 |
中国政治 | 33篇 |
政治理论 | 205篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2015年 | 7篇 |
2014年 | 18篇 |
2013年 | 56篇 |
2012年 | 33篇 |
2011年 | 19篇 |
2010年 | 23篇 |
2009年 | 23篇 |
2008年 | 33篇 |
2007年 | 21篇 |
2006年 | 21篇 |
2005年 | 20篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 18篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 10篇 |
1998年 | 9篇 |
1997年 | 13篇 |
1996年 | 13篇 |
1995年 | 9篇 |
1994年 | 17篇 |
1993年 | 14篇 |
1992年 | 14篇 |
1991年 | 11篇 |
1990年 | 16篇 |
1989年 | 12篇 |
1988年 | 12篇 |
1987年 | 18篇 |
1986年 | 18篇 |
1985年 | 22篇 |
1984年 | 18篇 |
1983年 | 13篇 |
1982年 | 13篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1980年 | 11篇 |
1979年 | 14篇 |
1978年 | 9篇 |
1977年 | 11篇 |
1976年 | 13篇 |
1975年 | 8篇 |
1974年 | 6篇 |
1973年 | 5篇 |
1972年 | 8篇 |
1971年 | 7篇 |
1970年 | 8篇 |
1969年 | 9篇 |
1968年 | 5篇 |
1967年 | 5篇 |
1966年 | 5篇 |
1963年 | 5篇 |
排序方式: 共有734条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
671.
A power-control theory of the gender-delinquency relationship draws attention to differences in familial control practices. We extend the theory to address how parental agency and support for dominant attitudes or schemas influence male as well as female delinquency. This extension emphasizes that differences in structure, particularly between more and less patriarchal households, result in different family practices, especially for mothers and sons. We find that variation in mothers' agency within the home affects their sons' support of conventional views, in particular, attitudes about the gendered nature of activities, risk preferences, and beliefs about impunity, as well as their involvement in delinquent activities. Thus, the agency of mothers in less patriarchal families is an underappreciated source of reduced delinquency among sons. 相似文献
672.
Banks might now seem odd candidates for the role of global sustainability regulator. Nonetheless, in limited areas of their operation, where global banks kept risk on their balance sheets and were financially exposed to many types of risk often otherwise treated as “externalities,” banks began to enact policies to encourage what they construe as “sustainable” banking. A small number of these banks have started to extend these principles of responsible action more broadly, across many of their business lines, as conditions of lending to their corporate clients. To this extent, it is possible to talk about (some) global banks as global sustainability regulators. The “law of unintended consequences” as used in the legal literature almost always refers to the unintended negative consequences of a regulation or policy. In this article, however, we discuss a potentially positive unintended consequence of the deregulatory and privatization trend of the 1980s and 1990s that was fueled by neoliberal political commitments: some private banks have taken a leadership role in regulating development. Specifically, these banks are enacting policies that attempt to mitigate the potentially negative social and environmental consequences of infrastructure development in politically unstable or environmentally fragile landscapes. The vehicle for doing this is a voluntary agreement called the Equator Principles (EPs). The article describes and analyzes the EPs and reports the initial results from an interview‐based study of the various EPs stakeholders, including bankers, government officials, lawyers, consultants, and critics from nongovernmental organizations. We address—from the perspective of these stakeholders—such questions as why the participating banks decided to join the EPs, what effects, if any, the EPs are having on development practice, and whether the EPs will ultimately prove to be more than a public relations exercise. 相似文献
673.
674.
675.
The power of congressional committees rests in large part on their ability to set the legislative agenda in particular issue areas. But how do committees acquire their issue jurisdictions? Existing research points to informal committee turf wars— not collective reforms—as the roots of jurisdictional allocations (King 1994, 1997). Yet the House of Representatives has made nearly 150 formal changes to its committees' jurisdictions since 1973. We investigated the effects of one prominent instance of extensive jurisdictional changes, the Bolling‐Hansen reforms of 1975, and found that this body of reforms advanced collective goals of improved policy coordination and enhanced information sharing. 相似文献
676.
Although marriage is associated with a plethora of adult outcomes, its causal status remains controversial in the absence of experimental evidence. We address this problem by introducing a counterfactual life‐course approach that applies inverse probability of treatment weighting (IPTW) to yearly longitudinal data on marriage, crime, and shared covariates in a sample of 500 high‐risk boys followed prospectively from adolescence to age 32. The data consist of criminal histories and death records for all 500 men plus personal interviews, using a life‐history calendar, with a stratified subsample of 52 men followed to age 70. These data are linked to an extensive battery of individual and family background measures gathered from childhood to age 17 — before entry into marriage. Applying IPTW to multiple specifications that also incorporate extensive time‐varying covariates in adulthood, being married is associated with an average reduction of approximately 35 percent in the odds of crime compared to nonmarried states for the same man. These results are robust, supporting the inference that states of marriage causally inhibit crime over the life course. 相似文献
677.
678.
679.
JOHN COAKLEY 《The Political quarterly》2009,80(1):49-58
One of the less visible consequences of the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement of 1998 was that it finally put to rest a fifty year dispute between Ireland and the United Kingdom about the names of the respective states. This article begins by outlining the constitutional background to this complex terminological dispute, and then examines it from three perspectives. The first is that of the Irish state itself, which in recent decades has opted unambiguously for 'Ireland'. The second is the British government, which until the end of the twentieth century preferred the labels 'Eire' or 'Irish Republic'. The third is the militant nationalist republican movement, whose terminology was designed to deny the legitimacy of the existing state. The article concludes by examining the political significance of this issue, arguing that while its most obvious importance is symbolic, it has also had real meaning for the identity and for the geographical definition of the state, as well as for the British-Irish relationship. 相似文献
680.
KEVIN M. BEAVER MATT DELISI MICHAEL G. VAUGHN JOHN PAUL WRIGHT BRIAN B. BOUTWELL 《犯罪学》2008,46(4):939-970
Converging lines of research suggest that self‐control and language may be inextricably linked. No empirical research has ever examined this proposition, however. We address this gap in the literature by analyzing a sample of twin pairs from a nationally representative data set of children. The results revealed three broad findings. First, diminished language skills were predictive of low self‐control both cross‐sectionally and longitudinally. Second, the covariation between language and self‐control was linked to both genetic and environmental factors. Third, after controlling for genetic influences on self‐control, language skills were predictive of variation in individual levels of self‐control. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed. 相似文献