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271.
Nearly 400,000 Africans may have been killed in racially motivated, lethally destructive, state supported, and militarily unjustified attacks on the farms and villages of the Darfur region of Sudan. Using victimization survey data collected from Darfurian survivors living in refugee camps in Chad, and drawing on conflict theory, we present evidence that the Sudanese government has directly supported violent killings and rapes in a lethally destructive exercise of power and control. In the language of the Geneva Genocide Convention, these attacks have inflicted on African tribal groups "conditions of life calculated to bring about their physical destruction in whole or in part." The data include explicit evidence of the central mediating role played by racism in the attacks. There is little or no evidence from the surveys to support the claim of the Sudanese government that the attacks have been aimed at rebel groups as a counter-insurgency strategy. The Sudanese government claims are by this analysis not credible as self-defense arguments, but rather of the exercise of power and control through denial. Further forms of such denial are considered, including the slowness of modern American criminology to advance the study of genocide. 相似文献
272.
Four traditional criminological theories—opportunity, control, subcultural, and differential association—are tested for their explanatory power in accounting for organizational compliance with regulatory laws. The primary data source is interviews with 410 chief executives of small organizations. Partial support is found for each theory; certain key concepts of each theory have a significant effect on regulatory compliance, net of a variety of characteristics of the nursing home, the residents in the home, and the inspection team. The results show that blocked legitimate opportunity has a significant effect on regulatory compliance, as does the structure of illegitimate opportunity. There is also an effect on compliance of participation in business subcultures of resistance to regulation. Belief in laws increases compliance with those laws as does differential association with or attachment to the upholders of the law. Overall, however, control theory and differential association lack explanatory power, and the explanatory power of subcultural theory is modest. Only opportunity theory explains a credible proportion of variance in compliance as a standalone theory. The significant effect of some but not all of the measures for each theory, coupled with the lack of significant explanatory power by three of the four theories, suggests the need for theoretical integration. 相似文献
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Research Summary: Using panel data from 188 large cities during 1980–1999, we examined the possible homicide promoting effects of “three‐strikes” laws. Results indicated that cities in states with three‐strikes laws experienced short‐term increases in homicide rates of 13% to 14% and long‐term increases of 16% to 24% compared with cities in states without the laws. Policy Implications: Our results emphasize the fact that rarely are the possible unintended negative consequences of policy directives considered and point to the need for policy makers to consider both intended and unintended consequences of policy directives before the directives are codified. 相似文献
276.
CORPORATISM: THE THIRD MODEL OF JUVENILE JUSTICE 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
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Although much has been written on the critical congressional reforms of the 1970s, few studies have analyzed support for reform systematically. In this article, we draw upon previously untapped sources of information that make an individual‐level, quantitative analysis possible. We analyze 20 indicators that measure support for a wide variety of reforms in both chambers. Our results reveal a remarkably consistent pattern: in virtually every case, junior members and liberals were more pro‐reform than were senior members and conservatives. Also, Republicans were often more likely than Democrats to back reform. Our findings challenge the view that the reform movement was essentially a Democratic party phenomenon; liberals and junior members in both parties—not just Democrats—supported reform. 相似文献
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JOHN MIDGLEY 《The Political quarterly》1984,55(4):391-401
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