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91.
In this study, poppy seeds were examined for a natural constituent that might serve as a maker for the seeds' ingestion as opposed to opiate abuse. Thebaine was selected as possible marker, since it was found to be a component of all poppy seeds examined and was not a natural component of different heroin samples. During the course of this investigation, a new extraction and cleanup procedure was developed for the gas chromatographic/nitrogen phosphorus detection (GC/NPD) and gas chromatographic/mass spectrometric (GC/MS) analysis of morphine and codeine in urine. A linear response, over a concentration range of 25 to 600 ng/mL, was obtained for codeine and morphine (r = 0.9982 and 0.9947, respectively). The minimum detectable level (LOD) and limit of quantitation (LOQ) for morphine were 10 and 30 ng/mL, respectively; whereas LOD and LOQ for codeine were 2 and 8 ng/mL, respectively. The coefficients of variance (CV, n = 6) for morphine and codeine analyses at the 100-ng/mL level were 13.3 and 4.6%, respectively. This procedure was used for the analysis of urine samples from five poppy seed eaters who each ingested 200 g of poppy seed cake. Results indicated that significant amounts of morphine and codeine are excreted in urine and that in all subjects, at least at one point in time, the apparent morphine concentration as determined by radioimmunoassay (RIA) analysis exceeded the cutoff value (300 ng/mL) established for screening. Thebaine was not detected in urine specimens collected following poppy seeds ingestion and thus could not be used as a marker.  相似文献   
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This paper documents the decision process pursued by the President and key federal agencies addressing the issue of privatization of routine commercial space satellite launches via expendable launch vehicles. It is a case study of incremental decision making in the extreme, characterized by the formulation of conflicting policy goals in response to contingencies which ultimately paralyzed the policy process, even as government was confronted with issues of considerable gravity and urgency. The decision process unfolded in a highly dynamic environment, including the development of a internationally competitive space launch market and the Challenger accident. A key issue is the role of the chief executive in managing the policy implementation process, once conflicting goals have been formulated. The case illustrates how strategic miscalculation by the agencies involved, and a laissez-faire management style by the chief executive, exacerbate the ordinarily expected difficulties.  相似文献   
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The conflicts in the formerly united Sudan have led to millions of deaths since the country's independence. The Naivasha Agreement was meant to end these wars. The January 2005 agreement foresaw a future where the Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement and the Sudanese government would coexist within the framework of a united country. Subsequently, in 2011, however, the country was partitioned and the conflicts in Sudan and South Sudan have continued unabated. Interrogating the treaty texts and employing a case study approach and analysis of the economic and power dynamics within the region, this paper addresses the reason behind the failure of the comprehensive peace agreement and subsequent agreements intended to bring peace after partition. It becomes evident that the same dynamics that fed the partition of the country have helped bring conflict within its two successor states. In short, agreements are not sufficient to build peace.  相似文献   
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Ansolabehere  Stephen  Snyder  James M. 《Public Choice》2000,103(3-4):327-336
Spatial models of two-party or two-candidatecompetition almost never have pure-strategy Nashequilibria when the issue space has more than onedimension. This paper shows that the introduction ofvalence issues can create conditions where equilibriaexist, even in a multidimensional setting. We derivesufficient conditions for the existence of equilibria,and characterize the spatial locations of twocompeting parties or candidates when such equilibriaexist. The party with the advantage on the valencedimension will generally take a moderate position onthe positional issues. We consider the implications ofthese results for public perceptions of the parties,incumbency advantages, and realigning elections.  相似文献   
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