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61.
An implicit patriarchal bargain between Emirati fathers and daughters is examined from a social constructionist perspective. Using qualitative methodology we found that fathers explicitly encourage their daughters to pursue tertiary education and careers, but hedge this break from tradition with implicit understandings that daughters will observe norms that can only realistically be followed in public sector employment. The persistent public-private imbalance in female employment patterns can thus be construed, as a ‘wicked problem” that cannot be addressed through market incentive-based policies such as Emiratization but rather through behavioral changes on the part of both UAE businesses and Emirati families. 相似文献
62.
The article deals with the social and family environments and modes of departure of migrants from Normandy to Paris at the end of the 18th century. It also considers in-migrants' future once in Paris. This approach to long distance migratory phenomena — applied here specifically to follow a population of adolescents — was possible due to the fruitful linking of serial nominative sources, each created independently. For the departure zone, we have examined three regions in Normandy for which the population was reconstituted over a period covering the end of the 18th century. For Paris, we used the registers of identity cards, or cartes de sûreté, issued between 1793 and 1794. The typical portrait of the adolescent in-migrant consists of an individual who is the youngest member of a fairly large family. He was often born in a small town, not in a village. It is likely that his decision to migrate was not impeded by his father's refusal. Indeed, the father of the in-migrant was often dead when the son left. In-migrations tended to be isolated; the adolescent rarely joined a family member in the capital. Migration to Paris often seemed to lead to a rupture with the childhood region. 相似文献
63.
Jacques Derrida 《New Political Science》2013,35(1):7-15
Abstract With the recent landslide electoral triumph of Tony Blair's New Labour in Britain, the question of the degree of convergence between Labour and the Conservatives in opposition takes on even greater strategic and political significance. It is generally undisputed that the terms of political debate in contemporary Britain have been altered markedly in recent years, and that this is not unrelated to Labour's self‐styled “modernisation” in the face of four consecutive election defeats. More contentious, however, is the interpretation of this trend. Has Labour abandoned its socialist and social democratic traditions, re‐projecting itself as an essentially conservative, even Thatcher‐ite, party, or has it managed to develop a novel, dynamic and modernising social democracy for new times? In this paper I seek to provide a benchmark against which such propositions can be evaluated, assessing the extent of bipartisan convergence since 1992. On the basis of comparisons of policy commitments at the 1992 and 1997 general elections, I argue that there has indeed been significant convergence between the parties, that this convergence has been driven principally by Labour, and that Britain is witnessing the emergence of a new bipartisan consensus. Such an interpretation is further reinforced by a consideration of revisions to policy since the Tories’ electoral debacle, which would merely seem to confirm the ascendancy of neo‐liberalism in contemporary Britain. I conclude by considering the likely trajectory of social and economic policy under a New Labour administration with a seemingly unassailable parliamentary majority. 相似文献
64.
Richard Vokes Paul Dukes Callum MacDonald Jacques Bekaert Michael Leifer Peter Carey 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(2):190-192
National Unification and Economic Development in Vietnam, by Melanie Beresford. Macmillan, Basingstoke and London, 1989. xv + 296 pp. £45 hardback, £16.99 paperback. ISBN 0–333–48447–9 and 0–333–49729–5. The Origins of the Vietnam War, by Anthony Short. Longman, London and New York, 1989. xvi+347pp. £8.95 paperback. ISBN0–582–49081–2. Vietnam at War: The History: 1946–1975, by Phillip B. Davidson. Sidgwick & Jackson, London, 1989. x + 838 pp. £13.99. ISBN 0–283–99935–7. Vietnam Images: War and Representations, edited by Jeffrey Walsh and James Aulich. Macmillan, Basingstoke and London, 1989. xv + 224 pp. £9.99 paperback. ISBN 0–333–45801‐X. Cambodge: Histoire et Enjeux 1945–1985, by Camille Scalabrino, Serge Thion, Marie‐Claire Orieux et al. L'Harmattan, Paris, 1986. 237 pp. ISBN 2–85802–671–8. Affaires Cambodgiennes 1979–1989, by Camille Scalabrino, Serge Thio, Marie‐Claire Orieux et al. L'Harmattan, Paris, 1989. 256 pp. ISBN 2–7384–0317–4. Visions and Heat: The Making of the Indonesian Revolution, by William H. Frederick. Ohio University Press, Athens, 1989. xxvi+339 pp., maps. $36.95 hardback, $17.95 paperback. ISBN 0–8214–0905–0 and 0–8214–0906–9. Born in Fire: The Indonesian Struggle for Independence, edited by Colin Wild and Peter Carey. Ohio University Press (by arrangement with BBC Publications), Athens, 1988. xxvii+215 pp., notes, illus. $26.95 hardback, $12.95 paperback. ISBN 0–8214–0881‐X and 0–8214–0882–8. The Army and Politics in Indonesia (revised edition), by Harold Crouch. Cornell University Press, Ithaca. NY and London, 1988. 384 pp. $10.95 paperback. ISBN 0–8014–9506–7. 相似文献
65.
Jacques Decornoy 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):21-33
AbstractIn June 1968, Jacques Decornoy, reporting for Le Monde, was permitted entry into the Pathet Lao zones of eastern Laos. Decornoy's account of his experiences there, although already two years old, remains a classic statement on the horrors of the “forgotten war,” and one of the most insightful presentations of the political program of the Pathet Lao. With Mr. Decornoy's permission, we are reprinting his articles which appeared in Le Monde on July 3 through 7-8, 1968.—C.F. 相似文献
66.
The purpose of this study was to identify sociodemographic, contextual, situational, and individual variables, as well as
certain behavioral warning signs, associated with filicide as a function of sex of the agressors and the presence or absence
of self-destructive behaviours. The data cover all officially registered filicides committed in Quebec from January 1, 1986,
to March 31, 1994, against youths under the age of 18 years. For the group of individuals who have self-destructive behaviours,
results indicate that men compared to women are more likely to commit spousal homicide, to kill a higher number of victims,
to be going through a conjugal separation, to have committed conjugal violence, to have threatened suicide, and to have threatened
to kill their spouse. For the group of individuals who commit no self-destructive acts, women are more likely to present with
a depressive disorder, whereas men are more likely to maltreated their children. Men who do not commit a self-destructive
act are characterized by a significantly higher likelihood of maltreatment against their children and of tyrannical discipline,
whereas men who commit a self-destructive act perpetrate filicide as a means of reprisal against their spouse. Results underscore
the importance of considering the different groups of individuals who commit filicide as a function of sex as well as presence
or absence of self-destructive behaviour.
相似文献
Suzanne LéveilléeEmail: Email: |
67.
Jacques de Ville 《International Journal for the Semiotics of Law》2010,23(3):239-242
In this essay, one of Derrida’s early texts, Plato’s pharmacy, is analysed in detail, more specifically in relation to its reflections on writing and its relation to law. This analysis
takes place with reference to a number of Derrida’s other texts, in particular those on Freud. It is especially Freud’s texts
on dream interpretation and on the dream-work which are of assistance in understanding the background to Derrida’s analysis
of writing in Plato’s pharmacy. The essay shows the close relation between Derrida’s analysis of Plato’s texts and Freud’s study of the dream-work. The
forces at work in dreams, it appears, are at play in all texts, which in turn explains Derrida’s contentions in relation to
the pharmakon as providing the condition of possibility of Plato’s texts. The essay furthermore points to the continuity between this ‘early’
text of Derrida and his ‘later’, seemingly more politico-legal texts of the 1990s. A close reading of Plato’s pharmacy, with its investigation via ‘writing’ of the foundations of metaphysics, and thus also of the Western concept of law, is
obligatory should one wish to comprehend how Derrida attempts to exceed the restricted economy of metaphysics through his
analysis of concepts such as justice and hospitality. 相似文献
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70.
Jacques Bourgault Stphane Dion 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1989,32(1):63-83
Sommaire: Cette étude teste s'il est vrai, comme on l'a prétendu, que le gouvernement Mulroney a procédéà un remaniement sans précédent du personnel des sousministres lors de son premier mandat. Il s'agit d'établir si 1) le remaniement a été exceptionnellement important comparativement aux pratiques antérieures à l'arrivée des conservateurs et 2) si ce remaniement a marqué une politisation accrue des sous-ministres dans le sens que le gouvernement conservateur aurait donné la préférence aux hauts fonctionnaires qui partagent ses orientations idéologiques ou ses programmes d'action. Deux techniques d'enquête ont été mises à contribution: l'indice de mobilité des sous-ministres calculé en nombre de départs, nominations et mutations, et une série d'entretiens semi-directifs conduite auprès de hauts fonctionnaires et de responsables politiques. La conclusion est que les sous-ministres ont échappéà une politisation accrue de leur fonction même s'ils ont été soumis à un remaniement d'une ampleur exceptionnelle lors des deux premières années du mandat conservateur. Abstract: This study examines whether it is true, as some have claimed, that the Mulroney government did an unprecedented reorganization of the deputy ministers' staff during its first term. We had to determine whether the reorganization was exceptionally extensive as compared to the practices prior to the Conservatives, and whether that reorganization constituted greater politicization of the deputy ministers in the sense that the Conservative government would have given preference to senior officials who supported its ideology and action programs. Two investigative techniques were used: the mobility index of deputy ministers, based on the number of departures, appointments and transfers, and a series of semi-focused interviews with senior officials and politicians. The conclusion is that the deputy ministers escaped increased politicization of their role even though they underwent an exceptionally deep reorganization during the first two years of the Conservative mandate. 相似文献