全文获取类型
收费全文 | 3580篇 |
免费 | 156篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 210篇 |
工人农民 | 102篇 |
世界政治 | 350篇 |
外交国际关系 | 260篇 |
法律 | 1476篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 37篇 |
政治理论 | 1257篇 |
综合类 | 42篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 29篇 |
2020年 | 44篇 |
2019年 | 70篇 |
2018年 | 106篇 |
2017年 | 115篇 |
2016年 | 113篇 |
2015年 | 76篇 |
2014年 | 94篇 |
2013年 | 600篇 |
2012年 | 77篇 |
2011年 | 106篇 |
2010年 | 96篇 |
2009年 | 109篇 |
2008年 | 104篇 |
2007年 | 100篇 |
2006年 | 109篇 |
2005年 | 115篇 |
2004年 | 103篇 |
2003年 | 95篇 |
2002年 | 116篇 |
2001年 | 76篇 |
2000年 | 77篇 |
1999年 | 65篇 |
1998年 | 59篇 |
1997年 | 61篇 |
1996年 | 38篇 |
1995年 | 51篇 |
1994年 | 58篇 |
1993年 | 52篇 |
1992年 | 40篇 |
1991年 | 54篇 |
1990年 | 35篇 |
1989年 | 50篇 |
1988年 | 29篇 |
1987年 | 36篇 |
1986年 | 40篇 |
1985年 | 41篇 |
1984年 | 31篇 |
1983年 | 43篇 |
1982年 | 41篇 |
1981年 | 50篇 |
1980年 | 36篇 |
1979年 | 39篇 |
1978年 | 35篇 |
1977年 | 19篇 |
1976年 | 32篇 |
1975年 | 17篇 |
1974年 | 19篇 |
1973年 | 20篇 |
1969年 | 17篇 |
排序方式: 共有3736条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
91.
James Windle 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(2):366-384
AbstractThis paper compares the reasons given by three South-east Asian states (Laos, Thailand and Vietnam) for choosing to suppress opium production. While external pressure, often from the US or United Nations (UN)/League of Nations, is the most commonly identified reason in the literature, and was experienced in each case, it was not by itself sufficient to motivate states into action. All three cases were motivated by religious or ideological opposition to drug consumption or trade, rural development, state extension and concern for increasing domestic drug consumption. Apprehension about rising drug consumption often possessed racial or chauvinistic elements. The development of export commodities, environmental protection and national security were also identified in one or two cases. The paper concludes by hypothesising that economic and/or security considerations underlie all choices to suppress illicit drug crops. 相似文献
92.
James J. Mazza Charles B. Fleming Robert D. Abbott Kevin P. Haggerty Richard F. Catalano 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(6):579-593
Few studies have examined risk factors of childhood and early adolescent depressive symptomatology trajectories. This study
examined self-report depressive symptomatology across a 6-year time period from 2nd to 8th grade to identify latent groups
of individuals with similar patterns of depressive phenomena in a sample of 951 children (440 girls, 511 boys). Analyses,
using semiparametric group modeling (SGM), identified 5 trajectory groups for girls and boys: low depressed stables, low depressed
risers, mildly depressed stables, moderately depressed changers, and moderately depressed risers. Individual risk factors,
with the exception of shy/withdrawn behavior, were significantly different across trajectory group membership for boys and
girls, as was low-income status for boys. Boys in the low depressed and mildly depressed stable trajectory groups had significantly
higher levels of antisocial behavior, attention problems, and lower social competency compared to girls in similar groups.
These results suggest that universal prevention programs implemented in early elementary school that target selected risk
factors may be helpful in reducing future adolescent mental health problems, specifically depressive symptomatology. 相似文献
93.
94.
The riskiness of state employee pension plan portfolios varies across states. We investigate whether this variation is related to how public employees and taxpayers share actuarial surpluses of pension accounts. We focus on two determinants of a plan’s asset mix: the relative influence of public employees to taxpayers; and whether a surplus-sharing contract is specified. Our theoretical model demonstrates that the effect of public employee influence on the asset mix is ambiguous. Our empirical results corroborate this complex theoretical result. In our theoretical and empirical analyses, if a surplus sharing rule is specified, plans adopt a more aggressive investment allocation. 相似文献
95.
Much economic policy is deliberately shifted away from direct political processes to administrative processes—political pressure deflection. Pressure deflection poses a puzzle to standard political economy models which suggest that having policies to ‘sell’ is valuable to politicians. The puzzle is solved here by showing that incumbents will favor pressure deflection since it can deter viability of a challenger, essentially like entry deterrence. U.S. trade policy since 1934 provides a prime example, especially antidumping law and its evolution. 相似文献
96.
Easter Dawn Vo-Jutabha Khanh T. Dinh James P. McHale Jaan Valsiner 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(5):672-690
Focusing on identity development explorations enables a greater understanding of contexts that affect immigrant adolescents.
Utilizing thematic and grounded narrative analysis of 46 journal writings, during a one-month period, from first and second
generation Vietnamese adolescents ranging in age from 15 to 18 (26 residents of a culturally and politically active ethnic
enclave in Southern California; 20 adolescents living outside the enclave), this study establishes ways in which a focus on
social context and exploration processes illuminates the complexity of immigrant adolescents’ identity formation. The two
groups shared many similarities, including precipitants to exploration and steps undertaken to explore identity. However,
two factors—social and cultural influences and emotional reactions—revealed interesting contrasts distinguishing enclave from
non-enclave dwelling Vietnamese adolescents. Data also suggested that immigrant adolescents strive to integrate different
domains of identity (ethnicity, gender, career) both with one another and with the historical, social, and cultural contexts
they occupy.
相似文献
Jaan ValsinerEmail: |
97.
James Cotton 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2018,31(6):494-515
AbstractProfessor Sir Alfred Zimmern, a highly prominent British commentator on international politics, was a notable visitor to Australia in 1938. Due to the critiques of EH Carr, Martin Wight and Hedley Bull, Zimmern became associated with the ‘utopian’ school of analysis of the inter-war period. In a stay lasting five weeks which coincided with the Munich crisis, his (now neglected) lectures and broadcasts were widely reported. Zimmern did not fully endorse the Munich agreement, which had been negotiated by British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and was supported by Australian Prime Minister Joseph Lyons. He was privately critical of Australian policy-makers. Despite Bull’s claim that Zimmern was a believer in progress and thus bound to discern the growth of order in international affairs, Zimmern’s analysis of the Munich agreement emphasized the return of power politics and the dangers of war. Further examination of his 1930s writings shows that such possibilities were not inconsistent with his broader analysis of international relations. 相似文献
98.
From January 2015 to December 2017, approximately 1.6 million migrants crossed the Mediterranean to reach Europe. The death toll was dramatic, with almost 15,000 drowning. In response to the void left by the ending of the Italian-led Mare Nostrum mission, several non-governmental organizations (NGOs) launched their own search and rescue (SAR) operations, rescuing over 110,000 migrants. In this article, we argue that states have the responsibility not only to coordinate, but also to directly provide adequate SAR operations in the Mediterranean, and that these responsibilities are presently being abdicated. Although much criticism of NGO maritime rescuing operations is misplaced, non-governmental SAR has notable limitations, and states are ultimately responsible for this shortfall. 相似文献
99.
No Need to Watch: How the Effects of Partisan Media Can Spread via Interpersonal Discussions 下载免费PDF全文
James N. Druckman Matthew S. Levendusky Audrey McLain 《American journal of political science》2018,62(1):99-112
To what extent do partisan media sources shape public opinion? On its face, it would appear that the impact of partisan media is limited, given that it attracts a relatively small audience. We argue, however, that its influence may extend beyond its direct audience via a two‐step communication flow. Specifically, those who watch and are impacted by partisan media outlets talk to and persuade others who did not watch. We present experimental results that demonstrate this process. We therefore show that previous studies may have significantly underestimated the effect of these outlets. We also illustrate that how the two‐step communication flow works is contingent upon the precise composition of the discussion group (e.g., is it consistent of all fellow partisans or a mix of partisans?). We conclude by highlighting what our results imply about the study of media, preference formation, and partisan polarization. 相似文献
100.
Since the mid-twentieth century, elite political behavior in the United States has become much more nationalized. In Congress, for example, within-party geographic cleavages have declined, roll-call voting has become more one-dimensional, and Democrats and Republicans have diverged along this main dimension of national partisan conflict. The existing literature finds that citizens have only weakly and belatedly mimicked elite trends. We show, however, that a different picture emerges if we focus not on individual citizens, but on the aggregate characteristics of geographic constituencies. Using biennial estimates of the economic, racial, and social policy liberalism of the average Democrat and Republican in each state over the past six decades, we demonstrate a surprisingly close correspondence between mass and elite trends. Specifically, we find that: (1) ideological divergence between Democrats and Republicans has widened dramatically within each domain, just as it has in Congress; (2) ideological variation across senators’ partisan subconstituencies is now explained almost completely by party rather than state, closely tracking trends in the Senate; and (3) economic, racial, and social liberalism have become highly correlated across partisan subconstituencies, just as they have across members of Congress. Overall, our findings contradict the reigning consensus that polarization in Congress has proceeded much more rapidly and extensively than polarization in the mass public. 相似文献