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11.
12.
The growing literature about mixed electoral systems has addressed their effect on party systems, voting behavior, campaign strategies, legislative roll-call voting, and other issues in a handful of countries. But, the effect of mixed systems has not been fully evaluated cross-nationally or longitudinally. Using data from the World Bank’s Database of Political Institutions, we address this gap in the literature by investigating two related questions. First, do mixed electoral rules produce different election outcomes than other election rules? Second, are these results attenuated by the definitions of mixed systems that scholars employ? We find that mixed systems generate outcomes that are distinct from other electoral systems and that these findings are generally robust across different definitions. 相似文献
13.
During the last few decades, both policy practices and policy idioms have drastically changed. Concepts such as interactive
planning, network management, stakeholder dialogue, deliberative democracy, policy discourses, governance, etc. have replaced
older ones such as public administration, policy programmes, interest groups, institutions, power, and the like. Although
we recognise the relevance and importance of this shift in vocabulary, we also regret related ‘losses’. We particularly regret
that the concept of power has – in our view – become an ‘endangered species’ in the field of public policy analysis. We therefore
will develop a framework to analyse power – being a multi-layered concept – in policy practices in this article. We will do
so on the basis of the so-called policy arrangement approach, which combines elements of the old and new policy vocabularies.
In addition, we draw upon different power theories in developing our argument and model. As a result, we hope to combine the
best of two worlds, of the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ idioms in policy studies, and to achieve our two aims: to bring back in the
concept of power in current policy analysis and to expand the policy arrangement approach from a power perspective. 相似文献
14.
European Journal of Political Research - 相似文献
15.
The modern history of divided government in America suggests that the framers succeeded in creating a government unresponsive to popular passions. Yet in the nineteenth century the party winning the presidency almost always captured control of the House of Representatives. Why and how could nineteenth century national elections be so responsive that they resemble parliamentary outcomes? We identify electoral institutions present in the states that directly linked congressional elections to presidential coattails. Specifically, we estimate the impact of state ballot laws and the strategic design of congressional districts on presidential coattail voting from 1840 to 1940. We find that presidential elections, as mediated by state electoral laws, strongly account for unified party control of the House and the presidency throughout the nineteenth century. 相似文献
16.
Attitudes towards German Immigration in South Australia in the post-Second World War Period, 1947-60
Considering the reaction against Germans in Australia during and after the First World War, it is surprising that German immigration to Australia was permitted again soon after the Second World War and even subsidised by the Australian government. Just seven years after the second war fought with Germany within a generation, Australia signed a five-year agreement to permit Germans to immigrate. This article examines the extent of the Australian public's acceptance of this policy during the period from 1947 to 1960. It concentrates on the state of South Australia where some of the earliest settlers in the colony had been of German origin, where their behaviour and achievements had been praised in historical writings about the colony, and where German immigrants may, therefore, have been viewed more positively. Yet there was some suspicion towards and discrimination against Germans in South Australia after 1945. Negative stereotypes of Germans were apparent in comments made by politicians and in press reports. However, these fears were minor and faded even further when more Germans arrived in Australia. 相似文献
17.
18.
Erik Gartzke 《国际研究季刊》2000,44(2):191-212
A debate exists over whether (and to what degree) the democratic peace is explained by joint democracy or by a lack of motives for conflict between states that happen to be democratic. Gartzke (1998) applies expected utility theory to the democratic peace and shows that an index of states' preference similarity based on United Nations General Assembly roll-call votes ( affinity ) accounts for much of the lack of militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) between democracies. Oneal and Russett (1997b, 1998, 1999) respond by arguing that UN voting is itself a function of regime type—that democracy 'causes' affinity . Oneal and Russett seek to demonstrate their thesis by regressing affinity on democracy and other variables from a standard model of the democratic peace. I replicate results reported by Oneal and Russett and then extend the analysis in several ways. I find that the residuals from Oneal and Russett's regression of affinity remain highly significant as a predictor of the absence of MIDs. Further, significance for democracy is shown to be fragile and subject to variable construction, model specification, and the choice of estimation procedure. 相似文献
19.
Willeke A. Manders Jan M. A. M. Janssens William L. Cook Johan H. L. Oud Eric E. J. De Bruyn Ron H. J. Scholte 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(10):1328-1338
Considerable research has focused on the reliability and validity of informant reports of family behavior, especially maternal
reports of adolescent problem behavior. None of these studies, however, has based their orientation on a theoretical model
of interpersonal perception. In this study we used the social relations model (SRM) to examine family members’ reports of
each others’ externalizing and internalizing problem behavior. Two parents and two adolescents in 69 families rated each others’
behavior within a round-robin design. SRM analysis showed that within-family perceptions of externalizing and internalizing
behaviors are consistently due to three sources of variance; perceiver, target, and family effects. A family/contextual effect
on informant reports of problem behavior has not been previously reported. 相似文献
20.
Structural reform histories and perceptions of organizational autonomy: Do senior managers perceive less strategic policy autonomy when faced with frequent and intense restructuring? 下载免费PDF全文
Through recurrent structural reform programmes governments are on a quest to design public organizations that will stand the test of their environment. One of the approaches to uncertain or sensitive issues has been to create various forms of (semi‐)autonomous organizations with substantial strategic discretion. However, while governments repeatedly experiment with designs, one might simultaneously expect that such interference through repeated structural change may limit the degree of strategic policy autonomy perceived by senior managers. More specifically, we propose that intense structural reforms may inadvertently reduce strategic policy autonomy perceptions through two mechanisms. First, intense sequences of structural reforms may lead to perceptions of relatively controlling political principals. Second, they may reduce an organization's ability to accrue resources beneficial to autonomy, such as a strong internal culture, network embeddedness and expertise. Results indicate that strategic policy autonomy perceptions will indeed be detrimentally affected for organizations that experience intense sequences of structural reform. 相似文献