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101.
Kerstin Westerlund‐Shands 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(1):32-38
Many studies assert that there are new gender constructions among young Scandinavian girls, who seem to be more individualized than earlier generations. In this article questions are raised as to what effect these girls’ newly won status as subjects might have on their construction of bodily gender, especially the part referred to as generative femininity. A “loss” of the generative body is argued to be a general tendency in postmodern discourse, as well as a dilemma in the individual girl's striving for being both individual and gender. This dilemma and its tentative solution is illustrated through the analysis of an 18‐year‐old Norwegian girl, who was the subject of an in‐depth interview in a three‐generational study of gender in change. 相似文献
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Jane Nardin 《Women's history review》2013,22(2):211-228
The Evangelical reformer Hannah More hoped to change the educational practices of the British upper classes. In Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education (1799), Hints Toward Forming the Character of a Princess (1805), and Coelebs in Search of a Wife (1808), More lays out a program devised primarily for girls, but to some extent also applicable to the education of boys. All these works assert that education should focus relentlessly upon the inculcation of Christian principles and such a proposal was implicitly critical of current practices. In order to promote her program effectively, More had to suggest that it was not incompatible with the most influential eighteenth-century pedagogical theories. This rhetorical strategy was a success in practical terms, but prevented her from achieving coherence as an educational theorist 相似文献
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Jane Freedman 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):413-433
Criticisms have been made against international laws and conventions on asylum and refugees, arguing that these have been
based on a male model of definition, which have ignored women’s persecutions. This article will argue that recent developments
in European asylum policy have the potential to deepen this discrimination and to further reduce the rights of female asylum
seekers. Although there have been some positive developments in jurisprudence that have recognised that gender-specific persecution
may be the basis for granting asylum, these advances remain relatively sporadic and are undermined by the operation of random
and discretionary exercises of power by bureaucrats and decision makers in many cases. Further, although new developments
in asylum policy are in theory “gender neutral,” differences in the material circumstances of men and women who arrive to
seek asylum may mean in effect that the implications of these policies are deeply gendered.
相似文献
Jane FreedmanEmail: |
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The success of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) cannot be explained solely with a rising tide of GDR nostalgia and/or with the efficiency of PDS members as service providers and advocates at the grass‐roots level. We stress the importance of the PDS as the main political representative of a specific socio‐economic and cultural milie in the former GDR. Furthermore, the article traces the evolution of the PDS from a populist voice of protest of the losers of unification to the beginnings of a new political party. As such it defines its identity more as a radical left‐wing party with strong social libertarian characteristics than a traditional socialist party. The party programme and the electorate of the PDS display remarkable similarities to the fundamentalist wing of the West German Greens in the 1980s, although differences as to the origins of the left‐libertarian ideas remain important. While the PDS seems to have strengthened the significance of the new politics agenda in post‐unification Germany, it is still too early to conclude whether this agenda is firmly rooted in the party or whether it is simply a vehicle to electoral success. 相似文献
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