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Janet R. Johnston 《Family Court Review》1995,33(4):415-425
In this report, overall findings from the most recent custody studies of children ages 3 to 16 years, made publicly available within the past 6 years, are briefly reviewed to establish a framework of general principles for decision making around custody and access issues. Most of the comparisons drawn are between joint and sole custody, with some attention being given to differences between mother and father sole custody. All of these studies are of children's adjustment to the physical custody, or residential arrangements, rather than to legal custody, which refers to parents' decision-making authority. 相似文献
418.
Janet White 《Women's studies international forum》1986,9(5-6)
This article draws upon the results of five years annual surveying of language performance of children aged 11 and 15 in the United Kingdom. The theme of the article concerns anomalies in the way literacy values are communicated to pupils in schools. Strong sex-typing is evident in the preferences which pupils express for certain types of writing, with girls appearing to choose the most prestigious forms of reading and writing in school terms. Girls' success in fulfilling school criteria for literary excellence does less than might be expected to advance their career prospects: on the contrary, it is suggested that the process of becoming a good writer at school is part of the general sorting process whereby girls cease to compete in other fields of work and study. 相似文献
419.
We review a number of different statistical techniques for creating seats-votes curves and apply the most reliable of these to estimate seats-votes relationships in the US electoral college 1900–1992. We consider the now rejected claim, once firmly established as part of the common journalistic and even academic wisdom, that the US Electoral College has recently been strongly biased in favor of Republicans, and show that this claim was based largely on a confusion between bias (asymmetry in the electoral college gains earned by the votes received by different parties or candidates) and swing ratio (responsiveness of change in electoral college seat share to change in popular vote). Although there has been substantial bias during this century in the way the electoral college translates Democratic and Republican votes into electoral college seats, and for the earlier party of this century (from 1900 to 1940) that bias has been in favor of Republicans, to explain why many recent electoral college majorities have been so lopsided we must look not at bias but at swing ratio.We show that the swing ratio in the electoral college has generally been increasing since 1900, rising from an average value (1900–1924) around three to an average value (1976–1992) ranging from about five to about eight, depending upon which of the various statistical estimation techniques we use. Thus, for every one point vote share gain above 50 per cent, a winning presidential candidate in a two-candidate competition can now expect to pick up somewhere between a 5 percentage point and an 8 percentage point increase in electoral college seats—giving the illusion of mandate even for relatively close contests and frequently creating apparent landslides. We show that this historical rise in swing ratio in presidential elections is due almost entirely to changes in the responsiveness of outcomes in the US South as the influence of the Civil War slowly (very slowly) erodes. Drawing on the analysis of the determinants of bias and of swing ratio in the House of Representatives in Brady and Grofman (1991b), we show that the increases in electoral college swing can be accounted for by the nationalization of presidential competition as signaled by the decrease over time in the standard deviation of Democratic share of the two-party vote across states, and that changes in bias can be linked to changes in the magnitude of differences between the mean and the median of that distribution. 相似文献
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