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351.
Crime, Bio-Agriculture and the Exploitation of Hunger 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
352.
Jason Leow 《航空保安》2007,(4):93-93
中国政府终于同意向民用航空开放更多空域,此举应该能让那些饱受航班延误之苦的旅客们松口气了。 相似文献
353.
Jason Y. Liu Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(3):693-701
The PE‐Swab direct STR amplification workflow was developed to process low‐level “touch DNA” samples. In this workflow, a forensic sample is first collected on a 4‐mm PE‐Swab (a novel sample collection device); two 2‐mm punches containing collected samples are then generated from the PE‐Swab and directly amplified for STR typing. Compared to the conventional STR workflow, which involves DNA extraction, purification, and elution volume reduction, the PE‐Swab direct STR amplification workflow does not require sample preparation and takes <60 sec before a touch sample is ready for STR amplification. Because there is no DNA loss due to sample preparation, the PE‐Swab workflow is more sensitive than the conventional STR workflow. The average peak height per sample obtained by the PE‐swab workflow is 3 times higher than that from the conventional workflow with both low‐level single source and two‐contributor mixture samples tested in this study. 相似文献
354.
355.
Jason Brownlee 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2010,45(4):468-489
In strategic accounts of democratization, credible commitments by the opposition shape whether incumbents will relinquish
power. Revisiting Kalyvas’s study of Algeria and Belgium, this article introduces evidence from Egypt that shows the structural
readiness of incumbents remains as consequential as commitment credibility. During the period 1990–2008 the credibility of
democratic commitments by the Egyptian opposition improved along the lines identified by Kalyvas. Unlike its Algerian counterpart,
the Islamic movement in Egypt was able to “silence the radicals” and, after 1998, emit a non-dissonant message of electoral
participation without militia violence. This improvement in commitment credibility was not reciprocated by Egyptian elites,
who enjoyed western support and a sturdy repressive apparatus. Similar factors obstructed the Algerian opposition and they
indicate a more disciplined, less dissonant Islamic party would have been unlikely to effect a democratic transition. Transitions
are most likely when a credibly committed opposition faces an elite ready to rotate power. The second factor helps explain
the success of the Catholic party in Belgium and the failure of comparable Islamic movements in North Africa. 相似文献
356.
Jason D. Klein 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2009,28(4):757-760
357.
Jason Webb Yackee 《Law & society review》2008,42(4):805-832
A long line of research, beginning with Macaulay's (1963) well‐known study of “Non‐Contractual Relations in Business,” suggests that the formal trappings of domestic law often have effects on private behavior that are, at best, “indirect, subtle, and ambiguous” ( Macaulay 1984 :155). Law and society scholars have spent somewhat less time exploring whether international law's effects on behavior are similarly attenuated. In this article I examine whether foreign investors take the presence of strong formal international legal protections into account when deciding where to invest. I focus on whether the presence of bilateral investment treaties, or BITs, meaningfully influences investment decisions. I present results from a statistical analysis that examines whether the formally strongest BITs—those that guarantee investors access to international arbitration to enforce investors' international legal rights—are associated with greater investment flows. I find no clear link between treaty protections and investment, a finding consistent with past law and society research but in tension with claims common in the BIT literature that the treaties should have dramatic effects on investor behavior. 相似文献
358.
Social Psychology and the Fear of Crime 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
359.
360.
Jason Kendall Moore 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2003,14(4):69-93
After its 1948 proposal to internationalize Antarctica had been rejected, the United States accepted the Chilean Escudero Plan as a necessiry for avoiding further political disputes among the seven nations that had balked at the proposal's call to renounce their sovereign rights. US and Chilean officials proceeded to discuss revisions that might enhance the Escudero Plan's acceptabiliry to the other nations, all of which shared the goal of excluding the Soviet Union. Before there had been any substantial progress, the 1957-58 International Geophysical Year legitimated the USSRs presence in the far south, and already tense US-Chilean relations entered a phase of heightened apprehensiveness. This article explores the diplomatic and contextual nuances of this bilateral interaction that proved central in bringing the Antarctic Treary of 1959 to fruition. 相似文献