全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1829篇 |
免费 | 85篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 119篇 |
工人农民 | 97篇 |
世界政治 | 184篇 |
外交国际关系 | 108篇 |
法律 | 875篇 |
中国政治 | 19篇 |
政治理论 | 492篇 |
综合类 | 20篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 21篇 |
2022年 | 11篇 |
2021年 | 12篇 |
2020年 | 28篇 |
2019年 | 62篇 |
2018年 | 65篇 |
2017年 | 73篇 |
2016年 | 80篇 |
2015年 | 49篇 |
2014年 | 75篇 |
2013年 | 272篇 |
2012年 | 72篇 |
2011年 | 60篇 |
2010年 | 39篇 |
2009年 | 66篇 |
2008年 | 62篇 |
2007年 | 61篇 |
2006年 | 45篇 |
2005年 | 43篇 |
2004年 | 60篇 |
2003年 | 43篇 |
2002年 | 48篇 |
2001年 | 54篇 |
2000年 | 56篇 |
1999年 | 34篇 |
1998年 | 24篇 |
1997年 | 24篇 |
1996年 | 13篇 |
1995年 | 13篇 |
1994年 | 20篇 |
1993年 | 16篇 |
1992年 | 22篇 |
1991年 | 30篇 |
1990年 | 32篇 |
1989年 | 20篇 |
1988年 | 21篇 |
1987年 | 17篇 |
1986年 | 13篇 |
1985年 | 19篇 |
1984年 | 15篇 |
1983年 | 14篇 |
1982年 | 13篇 |
1980年 | 8篇 |
1979年 | 14篇 |
1978年 | 6篇 |
1976年 | 9篇 |
1975年 | 6篇 |
1974年 | 6篇 |
1973年 | 9篇 |
1972年 | 7篇 |
排序方式: 共有1914条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
Astrid H. M. Nordin Graham M. Smith Raoul Bunskoek Chiung-chiu Huang Yih-jye Hwang Patrick Thaddeus Jackson 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2019,32(5):570-581
AbstractWhat is ‘relational theorizing’ in International Relations and what can it offer? This article introduces a thematic section that responds to these questions by showing two things. First, relational theorizing is not a doctrine or a method, but a set of analyses that begin with relations rather than the putative essences of constitutively autonomous actors. Second, relational theorizing has emerged from different geo-linguistic traditions, and a relational approach to International Relations (IR) can offer the language and space for increased and productive engagement beyond Anglophone scholarship. This thematic section takes a significant step in this direction by staging a dialogue between Sinophone and Anglophone scholarship on relational IR theorizing. Such an engagement shows points of comparison and contrast, convergence and divergence. In this way, the essays presented here contribute to developing a more ‘global’ IR. 相似文献
72.
This article explores the construction of extremism in media discourse, the factors driving specific constructions and the implications of these constructions for counterterrorism policy. We contend that extremism has predominantly and increasingly been framed as a security issue. This article explores the implications of this practice through the framework of securitisation. We measure the average intensity of security framing in 38,616 articles found in three major US newspapers, New York Times, Wall Street Journal and Los Angeles Times, between 20 January 1993 and 19 January 2017 comprising the Clinton, Bush and Obama presidencies, and look at factors influencing the shift in intensity over time. Through our analysis, we show that it is possible to return to a pre-9/11 discourse but that the confluence of real-world events and the strategic choices of political actors have so far prevented this from fully occurring. We then explore the effect of securitisation on public perceptions of the threat from terrorism, finding that increases in the intensity of security framing artificially increases the public’s worry about becoming a victim of terrorism. We conclude by discussing implications for the communication of counterterrorism policy and the requirements for an after, after 9/11 approach 相似文献
73.
Duell Natasha Steinberg Laurence Icenogle Grace Chein Jason Chaudhary Nandita Di Giunta Laura Dodge Kenneth A. Fanti Kostas A. Lansford Jennifer E. Oburu Paul Pastorelli Concetta Skinner Ann T. Sorbring Emma Tapanya Sombat Tirado Liliana Maria Uribe Alampay Liane Peña Al-Hassan Suha M. Takash Hanan M. S. Bacchini Dario Chang Lei 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2019,48(4):835-836
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - In the original publication, the legends for Figs 4 and 5 were incorrect, such that each regression line was mislabeled with the incorrect country. Below are the... 相似文献
74.
75.
76.
Of ‘Strong’ Leadership,Crisis Communication,and Pooper Scoopers: Change in the Queensland Public Service Under Newman
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Australian Journal of Public Administration》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Deanna Chantal Cristina Grant‐Smith Linda Katurah Colley 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2018,77(2):236-252
Governments have historically offered their workforce a public service bargain founded on stable pay and conditions and job security. However, while the Westminster system aims for public service employment to be protected from the whims of government, public servants are nonetheless affected by the political environment in which they operate and changes to this bargain can occur with a new government. This paper focuses on a Queensland public service change process that resulted in large‐scale forced redundancies, non‐renewal of temporary contracts, and legislative changes that nullified the provisions in job security, organisational change, and redundancy policies. Using communication as a lens through which to understand leadership, it examines how the government communicated with the public service about this organisational change, immediately before and after the 2012 election. In particular, through analysis of public and media commentary, speeches and Hansard records, it examines Premier Newman's change leadership and communication by contrasting pre‐election messages to the public service with post‐election messages about the public service and the justifications for change during this period of downsizing. This analysis is used to reflect on political leadership, communication, fair treatment, and trust in public service change. 相似文献
77.
Schnavia Smith Hatcher Dione Moultrie King Sara Z. Evans LaTonya M. Summers 《Child & Youth Services》2017,38(4):302-317
This study investigated the association between risky sexual behavior and drug use among female youth sentenced to a regional juvenile detention center. Preincarceration behavioral health risk data were collected from a modified version of the Youth Risk Behaviors Surveillance Survey completed by respondents. Almost all of the 105 participants had been detained before their current sentence, more than half of them were sexually active before the age of 13, and 70% had smoked marijuana or drank alcohol by age 14. A regression analysis was conducted to determine if preincarceration sexual health risk behaviors were significant enough to predict continued risk behaviors related to pregnancy, disease prevention, and substance use. Findings indicate that youth detention-based prevention programs should emphasize sexual and drug-risk reduction strategies as a means to reduce risky behaviors for this population. 相似文献
78.
Angela Smith 《社会征候学》2018,28(3):315-329
This article explores recent developments in masculinity, focusing on the sexualisation of fatherhood in Anglophone media. As it becomes socially acceptable for men to engage with “hands-on” fatherhood roles that had previously been primarily associated with motherhood, the appeal lies not just in this shift in gendered performance, but the representation of this as an opportunity for men to reveal a desirably body image. Where previously the hands-on fatherhood role had been glossed as “nappy changing duties,” this more recent development focuses on men’s bodies and in particular the act of carrying a young child which affords the chance for biceps to be flexed in juxtaposition with the gentle act of holding a child. Colloquially, this has led to the emergence of the “DILF,” particularly on social media where sites are devoted to photos of such men. 相似文献
79.
Michael H. Smith 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2018,53(1):45-56
AbstractPoliticians, diplomats and analysts commonly assume that commitment to multilateralism and liberal norms is part of the EU’s very DNA. Increasingly, however, the EU’s commitment to the liberal global order is more selective. We demonstrate the shift to a more contingent liberalism by examining the EU’s recent record in relation to four different challenges: international trade; US leadership; Russian actions in the eastern neighbourhood; and security in the Middle East. We speculate on what this may portend for the EU’s self-identity, European interests and the integrity of the prevailing global order. 相似文献
80.
Opportunistic electoral fiscal policy cycle theory suggests that all subnational officials will raise fiscal spending during elections. Ideological partisan fiscal policy cycle theory suggests that only left‐leaning governments will raise election year fiscal spending, with right‐leaning parties choosing the reverse. This article assesses which of these competing logics applies to debt policy choices. Cross‐sectional time‐series analysis of yearly loan acquisition across Mexican municipalities—on statistically matched municipal subsamples to balance creditworthiness across left‐ and right‐leaning governments—shows that all parties engage in electoral policy cycles but not in the way originally thought. It also shows that different parties favored different types of loans, although not always according to partisan predictions. Both electoral and partisan logics thus shape debt policy decisions—in contrast to fiscal policy where these logics are mutually exclusive—because debt policy involves decisions on multiple dimensions, about the total and type of loans. 相似文献