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211.
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Jean Trépanier 《Criminal Law Forum》1989,1(1):91-98
Conference Papers
Reform of the criminal law the Inns of Court, London, England July 26–29, 1987 相似文献213.
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In this article, we argue that when patron‐client relations are grounded in economic relationships, such as between landlord and worker, we should expect clientelism to influence not just how public policy, the state, and the political system work, but also how the economy works. We develop a simple model of the economic consequences of electoral clientelism when voting behavior can be observed. Landlords/patrons provide economic rents to workers, and in exchange workers vote for parties favored by landlords. As votes are used by the landlords to accumulate political rents, vote control increases the demand for labor and for land. The model implies that the introduction of the Australian ballot, which destroys this form of clientelism, should lead to a fall in the price of land in those areas where patron‐client relationships are strongest. We test the predictions of the model by examining in detail the evolution of land prices in Chile around May 31, 1958, for which we collected original data. A characteristic of rural Chile at this time were patron‐client relations based on the inquilinaje system, by which a worker, the inquilino, entered into a long‐term, often hereditary, employment relationship with a landlord and lived on his landlord’s estate. We show that the introduction of the Australian ballot in 1958 led to a fall of about 26% in land prices in the areas where these patron‐client relationships were predominant. 相似文献
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Jean Roels 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(2):155-170
Summary This article examines the problems faced by the Portuguese Cortes between 1821 and 1823 in attempting to create a constitution. This involved the central issue of whether or not sovereignty resided in the nation or in the person of the king. It led to a polarisation between traditionalists and liberals, although the latter believed that co‐operation between king and Cortes was a precondition for political and social stability. There were also disagreements about whether a royal veto over legislation should be conceded and whether or not a second chamber should be created. A compromise was found over the former, with the Crown receiving a suspensive veto, while a second chamber was rejected. Nevertheless, Portuguese liberals remained divided over the exact role of the Crown within the new constitutional order and that division, combined with the continued strength of traditional forces and external pressures, opened the way for a counterrevolution. Faced with intransigence on the part of the king and the traditionalists, the liberals could only protest by suspending the Cortes. João VI's reply was the declaration of Vila Franca (1823) which proclaimed royal sovereignty and replaced the Constitution of 1822 with one which was only a ‘gift’ from the Crown. 相似文献
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Jean Baudrillard 《Economy and Society》2013,42(2):243-252
May 1968 in Paris was a utopian revolt which failed; America is a utopia which has been achieved. It is the original version of modernity. This article examines the logic of Biosphere 2 a miniature version of the entire planet, but which means the society is already living with the prospect of a catastrophe affecting its utopia, it is a zoological museum in anticipation of its own destruction. 相似文献
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