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131.
Jeff DeSimone 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2005,24(3):559-577
This study examines how drug injection and needle sharing propensities respond when a needle exchange program (NEP) is introduced into a city. I analyze 1989-1995 Drug Use Forecasting data on adult male arrestees from 24 large U.S. cities, in nine of which NEPs opened during the sample period. After controlling for cocaine and heroin prices, AIDS prevalence, fixed effects for cities and years and city-specific time trends, the model indicates that the presence of a NEP is associated with declines of 13 percent in drug injection and 20 percent in needle sharing among drug injectors. 相似文献
132.
Love Christensen Stefan Dahlberg Johan Martinsson 《Scandinavian political studies》2015,38(2):137-157
Issue ownership (IO) has been an important concept in the analysis of party behaviour, party strategy and party competition for several decades. More recently, it has also been of growing interest for research on voting behaviour. Traditionally, IO has been regarded as a stable phenomenon where parties have different issue profiles and are advantaged by different political issues or issue‐areas. Recently, however, many studies have reported change and fluctuations of IO, and the same studies also makes it clear that we know surprisingly little about what might cause, or facilitate, change in issue ownership. In fact, we do not even have systematic studies of how stable issue ownership is, or how frequent shifts in issue ownership actually are. The aim of this article is to explore the extent of change and stability in issue ownership in Sweden. For this purpose, the Swedish national election studies from 1979 to 2010 are utilised. Although recent research has indicated that changes in IO have increased over time, this is not supported in the Swedish case. Instead, issue ownership seems never to have been a particularly stable phenomenon. However, in line with our theoretical expectations, we show that ownership of economic issues is more volatile compared to ownership of other issues. 相似文献
133.
This essay sets forth a research agenda to begin filling some key gaps in terrorism studies. Since the September 2001 Al Qaeda attacks against the World Trade Center towers and the Pentagon that claimed over 3000 lives, interest in terrorism research has increased. After these attacks, the United States and other governments prioritized the scientific study of the causes of and responses to terrorism. Importantly though, our review of the terrorism literature demonstrates that despite this progress, intriguing questions remain underexplored or altogether unexplored. This essay identifies four gaps in terrorism studies: (1) employing non-terrorist comparison groups, (2) broadening the dependent variable (focus of study), (3) exploring exceptions/anomalies to “established” findings, and (4) engaging measurement issues. We discuss these issues and outline a research agenda that could begin to fill these gaps. 相似文献
134.
As global interdependence grows, states often use international organizations to achieve both domestic and foreign policy goals. One way states respond to demands for cooperation is to delegate to international organizations and private actors. In this article, we use new data spanning a century of international environmental law to understand when and why states delegate to international organizations to manage environmental problems. We find that delegation is a persistent phenomenon that facilitates the implementation of states' preferences. However, they make this decision with care: States tend to delegate functions with lower sovereignty costs, such as implementation and monitoring, but rarely delegate rule making and enforcement. We also find that heterogeneous preferences among states increases the likelihood of delegation. Overall, our results suggest that states seek to delegate out of a motivation both to reduce transaction costs and to establish credible commitments. 相似文献
135.
Jeff Browitt 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(6):1063-1078
The Colombian nation-state is in its worst period of crisis since the infamous Violencia of the late 1940s and 1950s. State power is being contested by a number of groups: paramilitaries, the revolutionary Left, drug cartels and corrupt high-level officials. But these latest challenges must be set in a wider historical context: a 200-year history of failed attempts by the oligarchy to forge a stable modern nation-state without undermining their dominant position in the Colombian polity. The writing of a new constitution in 1991, the first since 1886, was an attempt to address many of the above problems, including the granting of special powers to the executive to deal with civil unrest, the need for a decentralised and pluralised political landscape and constitutional guarantees for minority and indigenous representation and rights. However, constitutional change has also taken place in the context of the consolidation of the globalisation project and the practical effects of the new constitution have been its provision of legal and administrative measures to facilitate the neoliberal restructuring of the economy, a process which, over the past 10 years, has been a devastating form of 'capital punishment' for the Colombian underclasses and has contributed to the further fragmentation of the nation. 相似文献
136.
Jeff Kosseff 《Computer Law & Security Report》2019,35(2):199-213
The United States is home to some of the largest online platforms in the world, in part due to Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act of 1996. Section 230 provides platforms with extraordinarily broad immunity from lawsuits arising from user content. The statute is under unprecedented scrutiny, and Congress already has amended the statute to weaken its protections. This Article examines the First Amendment protections that would remain for online platforms if Congress were to entirely eliminate Section 230. After reviewing pre-Internet cases involving offline distributors such as bookstores and newsstands, this Article concludes that although the First Amendment would offer some protections to platforms, these protections would be limited and likely would require platforms to significantly alter their operations and business models. 相似文献
137.
Jeff?D.?Colgan Robert?O.?Keohane Thijs?Van de GraafEmail author 《The Review of International Organizations》2012,7(2):117-143
The concept of a regime complex has proved fruitful to a burgeoning literature in international relations, but it has also
opened up new questions about how and why they develop over time. This article describes the history of the energy regime
complex as it has changed over the past 40 years, and interprets this history in light of an interpretive framework of the
sources of institutional change. One of its principal contributions is to highlight what Stephen Krasner referred to as a
pattern of “punctuated equilibrium” reflecting both periods of stasis and periods of innovation, as opposed to a gradual process
of change. We show that the timing of innovation depends on dissatisfaction and shocks and that the nature of innovation—that
is, whether it is path-dependent or de novo—depends on interest homogeneity among major actors. This paper is the first to demonstrate the empirical applicability of
the punctuated equilibrium concept to international regime complexes, and contributes to the eventual development of a dynamic
theory of change in regime complexes. 相似文献
138.
Claudio A. Bonilla Ryan E. Carlin Gregory J. Love Ernesto Silva M��ndez 《Public Choice》2011,146(1-2):9-21
Lipset and Rokkan??s (Party system and voter alignments: cross national perspectives, Lipset and Rokkan eds., New York: Free Press, pp. 1?C64, 1967) sociological model of cleavages and the so-called ??freezing hypothesis?? dominate theorizing about party system formation. Torcal and Mainwaring (Br. J. Polit. Sci. 33:55?C84, 2003) show the relevance of a purely political cleavage for structuring the party system in the case of Chile, challenging the freezing hypothesis??s claims. They also dispute case-specific research that argues Chile??s party system still reflects a ??three-thirds?? division between Left, Right, and Center. Revisiting this debate, our study employs spatial maps of the party system. Such political-economy models are rare in studies of Latin American politics. The application here supports a democratic/authoritarian political cleavage in Chile. 相似文献
139.
Rebecca Love Kourlis 《Family Court Review》2012,50(4):549-557
This article examines the ways in which divorce and child custody proceedings can impact employee productivity and suggests that it behooves businesses to become involved in supporting efforts to improve the process—both as a matter of community service and because it can impact their bottom line. This article further outlines some improvements that are being implemented or considered in various jurisdictions.
- Key Points for the Family Court Community
- Divorce does not just impact the parties and their children. It also impacts the work productivity of the individuals involved.
- The population of individuals seeking court involvement in child custody issues has changed, and new processes must be developed to address their needs.
- There are new ideas about how to restructure the divorce process in ways that could benefit both the individuals and their employers.
140.
We examine the association of adolescents’ self-reported sexual assault victimization with their living arrangements, parent’s
education, and plans for college. Participants included 1,634 ethnically-diverse and economically-disadvantaged high school
students in southeast Texas. Lifetime history of forced sexual assault was reported by 8.3% of girls and 9% of boys. No association
with gender, age, or parent’s education was detected. However, adolescents in non-traditional households (living with one
parent, grandparents, or other) were more likely to report rape than youth living with both parents. Adolescents who were
one race/ethnicity were less likely to report being raped than those in the multiple race category. Sexual assault intervention
programs should account for a teenager’s living situation; and prevention efforts may benefit from targeting individuals in
non-traditional households. The lack of an association with either gender or socio-educational status indicates that all children
are at risk and that school-based programs should be broadly targeted. 相似文献