The Use of Liquid Latex for Soot Removal from Fire Scenes and Attempted Fingerprint Development with Ninhydrin*

Abstract: Throughout the United States, clearance rates for arson cases remain low due to fire’s destructive nature, subsequent suppression, and a misconception by investigators that no forensic evidence remains. Recent research shows that fire scenes can yield fingerprints if soot layers are removed prior to using available fingerprinting processes. An experiment applying liquid latex to sooted surfaces was conducted to assess its potential to remove soot and yield fingerprints after the dried latex was peeled. Latent fingerprints were applied to glass and drywall surfaces, sooted in a controlled burn, and cooled. Liquid latex was sprayed on, dried, and peeled. Results yielded usable prints within the soot prior to removal techniques, but no further fingerprint enhancement was noted with Ninhydrin. Field studies using liquid latex will be continued by the (US) Virginia Fire Marshal Academy but it appears that liquid latex application is a suitable soot removal method for forensic applications.     

Awkward Talisman: War Memory,Reconciliation and Yasukuni

Yasukuni Shrine resonates with talismanic symbolism for both its critics and proponents and that is precisely why it is so controversial within Japan and between Japan and its neighbors. Controversy over Yasukuni is rooted in the broader historical debate about war memory, responsibility, and reconciliation. Competing narratives about this past send mixed signals to neighbors and prevent reconciliation. Despite Prime Minister Koizumi’s six visits, Yasukuni is an awkward talisman and many Japanese, including conservatives, oppose these visits. The Shrine’s image has been cast and no amount of artful repackaging will obscure its indelible links with Japan’s discredited Imperial ideology and the costs it exacted. The Yasukuni dilemma involves shifting the focal point of official war remembrance away from the Shrine to a secular war memorial where people and officials can pay respect to the war dead free from political agendas and historical baggage.

Forensic Confirmation Bias: Do Jurors Discount Examiners Who Were Exposed to Task-Irrelevant Information?*†

Knowledge of task-irrelevant information influences judgments of forensic science evidence and thereby undermines their probative value (i.e., forensic confirmation bias). The current studies tested whether laypeople discount the opinion of a forensic examiner who had a priori knowledge of biasing information (i.e., a defendant's confession) that could have influenced his opinion. In three experiments, laypeople (N = 765) read and evaluated a trial summary which, for some, included testimony from a forensic examiner who was either unaware or aware of the defendant's confession, and either denied or admitted that it could have impacted his opinion. When the examiner admitted that the confession could have influenced his opinion, laypeople generally discounted his testimony, as evidenced by their verdicts and other ratings. However, when the examiner denied being vulnerable to bias, laypeople tended to believe him—and they weighted his testimony as strongly as that of the confession-unaware examiner. In short, laypeople generally failed to recognize the superiority of forensic science judgments made by context-blind examiners, and they instead trusted examiners who claimed to be impervious to bias. As such, our findings highlight the value of implementing context management procedures in forensic laboratories so as not to mislead fact-finders.     

The implications of critical studies on men

The Finnish women's magazine Anna published several political portrait interviews of three female politicians (Pirkko Työläjärvi, Vappu Taipale, and Paula Lehtomäki) during the 1970s, the 1980s, and the 2000s, respectively. This article uses feminist semiotics to answer the question of how the significations assigned to the bodies of women politicians have defined their subject position in relation to the state. During the 1970s, Anna sought to counter the historical notion that female bodies are in conflict with political work by demonstrating that Työläjärvi was able to perform her duties adequately. During the 1980s, Anna reflected the gynocentric argument that certain “natural” female characteristics made women more suitable for particular areas of politics, such as social and environmental policy. During the early 2000s, Anna demonstrated that Lehtomäki was equal to her fellow men by idealizing a form of beauty that met the demands of the voyeuristic male gaze, upper-middle-class status, and youthfulness. During this period, the societal structures of gender inequality were not addressed. These representations stem from wider societal changes. During the 1970s, the state pursued growth-oriented economic policies, which required the wider participation of women in public life. During the 1980s, the growing political participation of women took place alongside the appearance of the gynocentric perspective, which facilitated the co-operation of women across party boundaries. At the start of the new millennium, economic globalization and neo-liberal policies have demanded national unity, which has been partly achieved by presenting a façade of gender and class equality.     

Who’s Sorry Now? Government Apologies,Truth Commissions,and Indigenous Self-Determination in Australia,Canada, Guatemala,and Peru

Official apologies and truth commissions are increasingly utilized as mechanisms to address human rights abuses. Both are intended to transform inter-group relations by marking an end point to a history of wrongdoing and providing the means for political and social relations to move beyond that history. However, state-dominated reconciliation mechanisms are inherently problematic for indigenous communities. In this paper, we examine the use of apologies, and truth and reconciliation commissions in four countries with significant indigenous populations: Canada, Australia, Peru, and Guatemala. In each case, the reconciliation mechanism differentiated the goal of reconciliation from an indigenous self-determination agenda. The resulting state-centered strategies ultimately failed to hold states fully accountable for past wrongs and, because of this, failed to transform inter-group relations.