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Landmark welfare reform legislation passed in 1996 has been operating by legislative extensions since its expiration in September 2002. At this writing, reauthorization has been derailed by controversy over various legislative proposals. In this article, we contribute to the welfare policy debate by studying the importance of specific policy tools and the role of public administration in the dramatic fall in welfare caseloads from 1996 to 2000. Using administrative and survey data on welfare programs in 44 states, we test our theory that caseload reduction is a function of administrative commitments, policy design, and administrative actions linked to five sets of governance variables: environmental factors, client characteristics, treatments, administrative structures, and managerial roles and actions. We find strong evidence that administrative action to move clients into work, coupled with administrative commitments, can provide important links between policy goals and policy outcomes. 相似文献
124.
Jerry L. Jennings 《Journal of family violence》1990,5(1):43-60
Given the deeply entrenched habit patterns that characterize domestic violence, the author questions the enormous demands for change that are immediately placed on both abusive men and the clinicians treating them. Battering men are not only required to abruptly and permanently halt overt physical violence, but they are also expected to stop all expressions of dominance and intimidation, and to abandon all their exploitative attitudes and sex-role expectations as well. While it is feasible and necessary to insist upon the cessation of physical violence in order to protect the spouse and family, to what degree can the clinician also demand a total revolution in the abusive male's attitudes, social behavior, and values? To better demonstrate the excessivity of these demands, the author makes a comparison to the treatment of substance abusers, where the features of relapse and enduring cognitive distortions are expected and permitted as part of the normal extended course of recovery. Instead, the author proposes a more realistic and humanitarian set of therapeutic expectations for change, emphasizing relapse prevention and supportive maintenance. 相似文献
125.
Jeremy Sugarman 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》2004,32(2):226-231
Good empirical research is essential to providing sound answers about the facts of the matter, thereby informing bioethical theory and policy. Nevertheless, relatively few topics have been addressed adequately and the most powerful methods have not been exploited to maximize the potential contribution of this work to the field. 相似文献
126.
Samuel H. Barnes M. Kent Jennings Ronald Inglehart Barbara Farah 《Political Behavior》1988,10(3):215-231
The present analysis uses data from 1974 and 1981 U. S. cross sections, which incorporate a panel, to compare the standard NES measure of party identification (ID) with a measure of partisanship derived from a party closeness question widely employed in cross-national research. Important features of the two scales are examined by transforming the closeness measure into a scale of very close, fairly close, not very close, and no preference corresponding to the seven-point ID scale. The scales are highly correlated and are similar in their reliability. More than 75% of the independents in the ID scale choose a party in the closeness version, and over half of these select the fairly close category. Respondents do not volunteer that they are independents when that alternative is not stated in the question. 相似文献
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128.
Jeremy Leaman 《German politics》2013,22(3):22-48
With the demise of the post‐war ‘Keynesian accommodation’, social democratic parties are having to come to terms with the increasingly key role of central banks in the political management of markets. This article examines the differing views of the SPD and the British Labour Party to government‐central bank relations in terms of their differing national contexts. The second part interprets the results of a postal survey of MPs and MEPs from both parties relating to recent developments in national and supranational central banking and identifies significant contrasts between the two and important contradictions in perceptions of policy processes, notably within the SPD group. Such contradictions relate above all to the popularisation of the Bundesbank model of autonomy and the feasibility of (social) democratic politics. 相似文献
129.
Jeremy Black 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):61-69
SUMMARY In this article Joachim Bahlcke has re-examined the significance of the agreement of the Estates of the crown of St Wenceslas, representing Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Upper- and Lower Lusatia to a federal constitution, the Confoederatio Bohemica in 1619. He argues that this was not just an improvised response to the contingencies of the Bohemian revolt against their Habsburg king, Ferdinand of Styria, but the outcome of a lengthy process of discussion and negotiation between the Estates. He argues that they achieved a remarkable success in overcoming deeply rooted internal divisions, and produced a mature set of constitutional proposals involving significant modernizations of the traditional structures to achieve a strong federal system based on equality of rights between the participating Lands. These reflected ideas drawn from leading political thinkers of the age. He believes the Confoederatio Bohemica represented an alternative model of a more effective central government, based on consent from below, to the monarchical-absolutist command model then coming into favour in Europe. 相似文献
130.
This investigation of reform of Western Australian community services problematises assumptions about the enabling state. The investigation is distinctive by virtue of its attention to the departure points as well as the destinations in pathways of policy change and its unpacking of three modes of public provision into their three constituent policy elements (funder-provider mix; the nature of agreements between policy actors; and the type of funding relationships). We find first that government had long adopted some aspects of the model of governance associated with the enabling state. Second, we find some path dependency in policy change towards marketisation. Third, we find highly nuanced policy outcomes combining government exploitation of its authority, market innovations and the maintenance of basic network features of the programs. 相似文献