The Uneven Performance of Third Wave Democracies: Electoral Politics and the Imperfect Rule of Law in Latin America

This article investigates the performance of the new democracies of the third wave by developing a conceptual model of the core elements of liberal democratic government and by constructing a new Database of Liberal Democratic Performance. The performance is shown to be uneven in two main ways. First, the institutional attributes of democratic government advance while individual and minority rights languish. Second, particular institutional attributes coexist uncomfortably, as do particular rights. A comparison of Brazil, Colombia, and Guatemala complements the big picture drawn from the database and focuses on the specific contextual conditions that can create the general political contours of the wave. The uneven democratic performance of these cases is mainly explained by the combination of persistent oligarchic power and a largely unaccountable military. Yet uneven performance, and the imperfect rule of law in particular, does not necessarily prevent democratic survival.     

Trust, Trusts, and Accountability: The Role of States in College Saving Plans

With the adoption of Section 529 plans, states have played an increasing role in college savings. When parents prepay for their children's college education, states invest the proceeds with the expectation that the investment returns will cover tuition increases. In times of fiscal stress, states decrease funding for higher education, causing schools to increase tuition. Because current investment returns have not kept pace with tuition increases, state managers have an even greater burden to ensure that these funds are managed properly. Our research interest is the fiduciary role of state governments in managing these plans in a volatile investment market.     

Changing levels of political information in 1988 and 1990

The 1988 and 1990 National Election Studies indicate that the public is less politically informed in a low-stimulus election year than after a high-stimulus campaign. Although the same factors are responsible for what people know in each year, the process of becoming informed in an information-poor environment is slightly different than in an information-rich atmosphere. The data also show that, just as Angus Campbell's surge and decline theory predicts, core voters are slightly more knowledgeable than peripheral voters.     

The Validity of Mental Patients' Accounts of Coercion-Related Behaviors in the Hospital Admission Process

Although the recent development of a measure for perceived coercion has led to great progress in research on coercion in psychiatric settings, there still exists no consensus on how to measure the existence of real coercive events or pressures. This article reports the development of a system for integrating chart review data and data from interviews with multiple participants in the decision for an individual to be admitted to a psychiatric hospital. The method generates a most plausible factual account (MPFA). We then compare this account with that of patients, admitting clinicians and other collateral informants in 171 cases. Patient accounts most closely approximate the MPFA on all but one of nine dimensions related to coercion. This may be due to wider knowledge of the events surrounding the admission.     

Criminal identification comparison: aural versus visual identifications resulting from a simulated crime

This research was undertaken to investigate and contrast visual and aural/perceptual identifications of a previously unknown individual from a set of photographic and tape-recorded exemplars following a simulated crime. All participants were volunteers for the "criminal," the victim of an "assault," and all suspects drawn from a Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) class; the "witnesses" were 61 students in a law class. The student/witnesses were divided into four groups. Group A made three identifications (serially) one day, one week, and two weeks after the crime took place. Group B saw the photographs and heard the tapes only once a week after the incident, and Group C only after two weeks had elapsed. Witnesses in a fourth group (D) followed the same schedule as did Group A; however, they were presented with foils similar in appearance and speech to the criminal. Group D was presented both the foil and criminal in the photographic lineup at the final judging session. The results demonstrated that visual identification can be quite accurate although not consistently or predictably so. By contrast, aural/perceptual identifications were relatively poor. No strong trends for latencies were observed, either for repeated trials or for procedures involving different initiation latencies; nor did confidence levels appear to be related to accuracy of judgment. Finally, when a similar looking foil was included in the identification task, there was a weak trend for the foil to be chosen more often in subsequent trials. These results support the position that eyewitness--and especially earwitness--testimony should be viewed by judges and juries with greater caution than has been the case in the past; by appropriate instructions, juries should be given assistance in interpreting and in assigning appropriate weight to this kind of testimony.     

Political markets, property tax referenda, and local school spending

For better or worse, fiscal decisions made through property tax referenda allow local political markets to work. Demand, supply, and voting process components of such markets are estimated for those Oregon K-12 school districts that held referenda between 1981 and 1986. Various attributes of the median voter were related to school spending, but supply decisions by school boards and administrators were also important. Large districts used state aid to substitute for local property tax revenues on nearly a one-for-one basis, while relying on reversion budgets (inadequate property tax bases and implicit threats of school closures) to extract greater-than-desired spending levels from the median voter.     

The formation Of a Canadian privacy policy: the art and craft of lesson-drawing

Abstract: For some cases of policy innovation, traditional models of the policy process based on assumptions of power and conflict are not helpful guides. This article suggests that it is often just as important to understand the pattern of learning or lesson-drawing that takes place during policy development. With reference to the formation of Canadian privacy policy, as expressed in the Privacy Act of 1982, it is demonstrated that the lessons drawn from the experience of other countries' legislative attempts to protect personal data were instrumental in shaping a Canadian policy. Lessons about the principles of data protection, the exemptions to those principles, and the policy instrument to implement them were drawn at critical stages from American, and other, experience. The fact that some lessons were drawn and not others, from some countries and not others, helps us understand why Canadian privacy policy is as it is today. The article concludes by noting the conditions for lesson-drawing across boundaries to influence policy: a basic consensus on goals; a low salience in public opinion; a dominant role for bureaucrats; a high degree of innovation; and the existence of exemplars. The timing, then, of foreign privacy laws was crucial, highlighting the importance of studying public policy in both comparative and historical perspectives. Sommaire: Dans certains cas d'innovation politique, les modéles classiques d'étude du processus politique fondés sur des hypotheses de pouvoir et de conflit ne constituent pas de bons guides. Cet article montre qu'il est souvent aussi important de comprendre dans quelle mesure on a tiré parti des lecons étrangéres au cours de I'élaboration d'une politique. Faisant référence à la formation de la politique canadienne de la vie privée, exprimée par le biais de la Loi de 1982 sur la vie privée, il démontre que I'expérience des tentatives législatives d'autres pays pour protéger les informations personnelles ont eu un rôle prédominant dans I'élaboration de la politique canadienne. À des moments cruciaux, on a tiré de I'expérience américaine et de celle d'autres pays des lecons sur les principes de protection de I'information, sur les exceptions à ces principes et sur les moyens de mettre ces derniéres en oeuvre. Le fait qu'on ait, de façon sélective, tiré certaines leçons de certains pays, nous aide à comprendre pourquoi la politique canadienne sur la vie privée est ce qu'elle est aujourd'hui. En conclusion, I'auteur décrit les conditions dans lesquelles les renseignements puisés d'autres pays sont susceptibles de contribuer à la politique nationale: un consensus fondamental sur les objectifs rechercheés, peu de préoccupations pour le sujet dans I'opinion publique, un rô1e prépondérant pour les bureaucrates, un degréélevé d'innovation et I'existence d'exemples concrets. De même, le moment ou les lois sur la vie privée d'autres pays ont été adoptées s'est avéré important, ce qui démontre I'importance d'étudier les politiques publiques dans une perspective comparative aussi bien qu'historique.