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Joel M. Ostrow 《后苏联事务》2013,29(1):49-70
A political scientist examines factors leading to instability in the Russian legislative and executive branches. The article focuses on the design of Russia's “unlinked dual-channel” institutions-particularly, partisan factions and legislative committees in the Duma, and the presidential administration and government apparatus in the executive branch. Media sources and the author's personal interviews with Duma, Kremlin, and ministry officials are analyzed. 相似文献
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Susan Krieger 《Policy Sciences》1971,2(3):305-319
At stake in communication policymaking is control and use of technologies central to the process of governance in society. Future policies must admit a broader range of social goals than present ones. Defining such goals will require shifting conceptual approaches from regulation to investment, from information goods to communication resources, and from consumerism to politics. Persons engaged in communication policy research and planning had best avoid traps of being blinded by the technology, underestimating the political process and making easy assumptions about goals and values.David Grey, Edwin Parker and Donald Dunn of the faculty of Stanford University were especially helpful in the preparation of this article. 相似文献
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Joel Atkinson 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2011,57(1):68-85
Australia's efforts between 1950 and 1972 to create an independent Taiwan are an important, largely overlooked element of Australia and Taiwan's international relations. Australia saw de jure independence for Taiwan as a means to support the US while pursuing the interrelated goals of accommodating the People's Republic of China (PRC) and minimising contradictions between US China policy and the policies of the UK and other countries important to it. Initially Australia favoured the establishment of a Taiwanese majority‐controlled state. This preference later gave way to greater support for an independent Republic of China on Taiwan under Chinese Nationalist rule. Australia nevertheless consistently justified its policy via reference to the principle of self‐determination for Taiwan's people — either immediately in the case of a Taiwanese Taiwan, or postponed into the indefinite future in the case of a Chinese Nationalist Taiwan. Championing Taiwan independence lost its utility for Australia when Sino‐ US relations improved in the late‐1960s to early‐1970s, and it became possible for Australia to make the concessions over Taiwan demanded by China without damaging its relationship with the US. This shift preceded the election of a Labor government committed to building a friendly relationship with China. Australia then dropped its policy of advocating Taiwanese independence, and established official relations with China in late 1972. 相似文献
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Julie L. Crouch Christopher R. Shelton Joseph R. Bardeen Regina Hiraoka Joel S. Milner John J. Skowronski 《Journal of family violence》2012,27(2):97-103
The present study examined the extent to which attentional control mediates the relationship between adverse early life experiences
(e.g., harsh discipline, low perceived support) and child physical abuse (CPA) risk in adulthood. Participants included 138
general population parents (30.4% fathers and 69.6% mothers) who completed self-report measures of early life experiences,
attentional control, and CPA risk. Results revealed that attentional control partially mediated the association between adverse
early environment and CPA risk scores, Sobel test = 2.65, SE = 0.86, p = .007. More specifically, individuals exposed to adverse early environments (characterized by harsh discipline and/or low
perceived support) reported lower levels of attentional control, which in turn was associated with increased risk of hostile,
aggressive, and abusive parenting. 相似文献