Collective bargaining, a core social institution, faces a fundamental transformational challenge. National survey data provide unique insights into the current status of the bargaining process — revealing challenges and opportunities. Awareness and use of interest-based bargaining principles is widespread but complicated by underlying tensions between labor and management. The findings illustrate the value of conducting an institutional-level analysis of a negotiations process. 相似文献
This study (N = 218) examines potential moderators of the confidence–accuracy (CA) relation in eyewitness identifications. The design included five experimental interventions (accountability, context reinstatement, retrospective narration, hypothesis disconfirmation, and hypothesis generation), as well as one trait measure (public self-consciousness). Although the interventions were hypothesized to enhance the CA relation relative to a control condition, they did not do so. In fact, quite contrary to our initial expectations, only participants in the control condition displayed unqualified insight into their identification accuracy. We conclude that attempts to enhance awareness of the thoughts and reasoning process involved in an identification decision may frequently have minimal, or even counterproductive, effects. Instead, results of decision process measures suggest that the CA relation might be more effectively enhanced by increasing the salience of relatively automatic decision criteria (e.g., “did his face 'pop out' at me?”) and decreasing the salience of algorithmic identification strategies (e.g., “was I thorough in making my decision?”).
The study reported here follows the suggestion by Caplan et al. (Justice Q, 2010) that risk terrain modeling (RTM) be developed by doing more work to elaborate, operationalize, and test variables that would
provide added value to its application in police operations. Building on the ideas presented by Caplan et al., we address
three important issues related to RTM that sets it apart from current approaches to spatial crime analysis. First, we address
the selection criteria used in determining which risk layers to include in risk terrain models. Second, we compare the “best
model” risk terrain derived from our analysis to the traditional hotspot density mapping technique by considering both the
statistical power and overall usefulness of each approach. Third, we test for “risk clusters” in risk terrain maps to determine
how they can be used to target police resources in a way that improves upon the current practice of using density maps of
past crime in determining future locations of crime occurrence. This paper concludes with an in depth exploration of how one
might develop strategies for incorporating risk terrains into police decision-making. RTM can be developed to the point where
it may be more readily adopted by police crime analysts and enable police to be more effectively proactive and identify areas
with the greatest probability of becoming locations for crime in the future. The targeting of police interventions that emerges
would be based on a sound understanding of geographic attributes and qualities of space that connect to crime outcomes and
would not be the result of identifying individuals from specific groups or characteristics of people as likely candidates
for crime, a tactic that has led police agencies to be accused of profiling. In addition, place-based interventions may offer
a more efficient method of impacting crime than efforts focused on individuals. 相似文献
Social Dominance Orientation, one of the most popular individual differences measures in the study of generalized prejudice, can be understood as having two components: Opposition to Equality (OEQ) and support for Group-Based Dominance (GBD). We consider these components in terms of system justification theory and social identity theory. We find that each component best explains different kinds of political views, consistent with the theory that they arise from different motivations. OEQ reflects system justification motives. It better predicts attitudes towards redistributive social policy, political conservatism, and a lack of humanitarian compassion for the disadvantaged. GBD reflects social identity motives. It is more associated with hostility toward outgroups and concerns about intergroup competition. GBD and OEQ have different personality and demographic correlates, exhibit distinctive relations with explicit and implicit attitudinal preferences, and differentially predict a variety of policy attitudes. Use of GBD and OEQ as separate constructs enriches the understanding of prejudice, policy attitudes, and political ideology. 相似文献