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排序方式: 共有218条查询结果,搜索用时 9 毫秒
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This article discusses the economic and geographical implications of the growing use of information and communications technologies (ICTs) in the production process. In short, ICTs make internal and external communications more efficient and allow faster and more flexible interaction among different agents. These improvements correlate with changes in the internal organization of the business and in its strategic behavior. Those changes have implications for regional economic development.The four sections of the article include a typology of information and communications technologies and a discussion of how they diffuse; an elaboration of the concept of economic clusters and economic space in the context of ICTs; and a review of the methodological issues surrounding the development of virtual (rather than physical) clusters of economic activity.The article's, major insights include the following. Information-based, younger, and smaller businesses, and the service sector, benefit most from the Internet. Many of those businesses are integrated in networks and economic clusters; historically, they are often located in close spatial proximity to each other and/or to their customers. At the same time, a new type of virtual agglomeration is created for some type of activities through Internet interaction, which does not require physical proximity. The article stresses the need for a new paradigm to think about the relationship of business and space. 相似文献
165.
Johannes Hilmer 《Democracy & Nature》2000,6(1):85-93
The object of this essay is to show that Marx, in his polemic Misere de la Philosophie against Proudhon's Philosophie de la Misere , in effect, shunned an academic debate with Proudhon and resorted to a denunciation of him as a petit bourgeois , in order to establish his own position at the top of the international labour movement. However, with his furious attack on Proudhon, Marx succeeded in destroying the existing links between the different socialist trends. In the light of this catastrophic split between the driving forces of radical change, at the beginning of the capitalist industrialisation, the article pleads for a tolerant culture of discussion, within which the debate on different methods and means towards an alternative society and the end of capitalism, is possible. 相似文献
166.
Journal of Indian Philosophy - This article shows in detail that the widely held view according to which the Sarvadar?anasa?graha has a hierarchical structure is mistaken. It further... 相似文献
167.
Beyond the public and private divide: remapping transnational climate governance in the 21st century 总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0
Philipp Pattberg Johannes Stripple 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2008,8(4):367-388
This article provides a first step towards a better theoretical and empirical knowledge of the emerging arena of transnational
climate governance. The need for such a re-conceptualization emerges from the increasing relevance of non-state and transnational
approaches towards climate change mitigation at a time when the intergovernmental negotiation process has to overcome substantial
stalemate and the international arena becomes increasingly fragmented. Based on a brief discussion of the increasing trend
towards transnationalization and functional segmentation of the global climate governance arena, we argue that a remapping
of climate governance is necessary and needs to take into account different spheres of authority beyond the public and international.
Hence, we provide a brief analysis of how the public/private divide has been conceptualized in Political Science and International
Relations. Subsequently, we analyse the emerging transnational climate governance arena. Analytically, we distinguish between
different manifestations of transnational climate governance on a continuum ranging from delegated and shared public–private
authority to fully non-state and private responses to the climate problem. We suggest that our remapping exercise presented
in this article can be a useful starting point for future research on the role and relevance of transnational approaches to
the global climate crisis.
相似文献
Philipp PattbergEmail: |
168.
Johannes Stabentheiner 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2009,22(2):29-35
Am 29. und 30. November 2007 veranstaltete das BMJ gemeinsam mit dem Institut für Zivilrecht der Universit?t Wien ein rechtswissenschaftliches
Symposium unter dem Titel "ABGB 2011". Mit dieser Tagung sollte ausgelotet werden, welcher Reformbedarf am ABGB heute zu erkennen
ist und welche Erneuerungsschritte sich dafür empfehlen. Die Veranstaltung sollte den Auftakt für ein systematisch angelegtes,
weit greifendes Projekt zur Modernisierung des ABGB bilden, durch das unser ehrwürdiges Gesetzbuch an die Bedürfnisse der
Gegenwart angepasst und anl?sslich des 200j?hrigen Jubil?ums seines Bestehens unter grundlegender Beibehaltung seines Aufbaus
und seiner Wertungen erneuert werden soll. Freilich soll dies nicht durch eine umfassende Neukodifikation (die sich bei diesem
gro?en Gesetzeswerk nicht als notwendig erweist), sondern durch abschnittsweise und sukzessive überarbeitung des Regelungsbestandes
geschehen. Bei diesem Reformprozess soll es darum gehen, die Sprache, die Begriffswelt, die Einzelregelungen und die Probleml?sungskapazit?t
des ABGB auf die H?he der Zeit zu bringen, freilich mit Behutsamkeit und sorgf?ltigem Blick auf die Abw?gungen, von denen
sich der historische Gesetzgeber hatte leiten lassen. Dabei sollten überholte Regelungen beseitigt, aktuelle Vertragstypen
– soweit erforderlich – im Gesetzesrecht erfasst und Rechtsfragen, die sich im jeweiligen Kontext heute typischerweise stellen,
gel?st werden, dies alles unter Bedachtnahme auf die dazu in der Rechtsprechung und in der Rechtswissenschaft erarbeiteten
überlegungen. Besonders w?re darauf zu achten, m?glichst einfache und für die Bürgerinnen und Bürger verst?ndliche Bestimmungen
zu schaffen. Beim Symposium wurde auch die Frage behandelt, ob zivilrechtliche Sondernormen wieder in das ABGB als Stammgesetz
zurückgeführt werden sollten. Für den Bereich des Wohnrechts war diese Fragestellung dem Autor anvertraut, der seine Analyse
dazu im folgenden Beitrag dem wohnrechtlichen Publikum vorlegt. Der Vortragsstil wurde beibehalten. Alle beim Symposium gehaltenen
Referate sind in dem von Fischer-Czermak/Hopf/Kathrein/Schauer herausgegebenen, bei Manz erschienenen Tagungsband zu dieser
Veranstaltung nachzulesen. 相似文献
169.
Joel E. Smith Johannes Urpelainen 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2017,17(3):327-340
This article investigates how international organizations can support fuel subsidy reform. Departing from earlier studies, we focus on the ability of international organizations to assist national governments directly in the enactment and implementation of national reforms. While international organizations lack the capacity to directly enforce policy or force countries to abolish subsidies, they can increase the cost of reform reversal by governments that have a preference for reform but worry about the credibility and durability of their reforms. Moreover, international organizations can support learning from peers. In practice, governments interested in subsidy reform can announce a public commitment and submit progress reports to peer review by other countries under the auspices of an international organization. We characterize the institutional design of international organizations for success, discuss the role of the civil society in the process, and offer short illustrations from recent efforts by international organizations to promote fuel subsidy reform. 相似文献
170.
The Polarization of American Environmental Policy: A Regression Discontinuity Analysis of Senate and House Votes, 1971–2013 下载免费PDF全文
The partisan polarization of environmental policy is an important development in American politics, but it remains unclear how much such polarization reflects voter preferences, as opposed to disagreements between partisan elites. We conduct a regression discontinuity analysis of all major environmental and energy votes in the Senate and the House, 1971–2013. In total, we have 368,974 individual roll call votes by senators and House Representatives. The causal effect of electing a Democrat instead of a Republican in close elections on pro‐environmental voting is large: when a Democrat wins, pro‐environmental voting increases by over 40 percentage points. Because of the quasi‐experimental research design, this difference cannot be attributed to the median voter's preferences. Next, we test hypotheses concerning possible explanations for the elite partisan conflict. The Democrat–Republican gap is the widest when fossil fuel interests make contributions exclusively to Republicans and when state‐level public opinion is polarized. 相似文献