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211.
Johannes Pollak 《West European politics》2013,36(5):904-924
In 2005 the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders (Frontex) was founded. Contrary to the widely used principal–agent approaches, it is more promising to analyse Frontex through the lens of experimentalist governance. This paper has two lines of argument. First, it argues that Frontex may only succeed if Frontex has a sufficient degree of organisational independence and enjoys appropriate and steady support by all member states. This is especially virulent when many member states fail to provide significant contributions in terms of material and human resources as well as time, leading to a suboptimal reduction of duration, scope and operational impact of Frontex's missions. The second argument is concerned with the accountability of Frontex. Contrary to the experimental approach, this article takes a sceptical stance, arguing that important (supra-)national actors are sidelined and relevant legal rules are ignored. 相似文献
212.
The argument that declining voter turnout harms social democratic parties has received little support in research on national elections, but partisan consequences of declining turnout in local elections has been less explored. Norwegian local elections – where both turnout and support for the Labour Party have declined since the early 1960s – are used as a test case. Analyses of aggregate data gave no systematic support for the hypothesis that Labour suffers from lower turnout. Declining turnout and declining Labour Party vote were not causally related, and the correlation between the two variables seemed to be the result of other long-term social changes. Analyses of survey data pointed to three flaws in the premises on which the hypothesis was based. First, the effect of declining turnout on the biased class composition of the abstainers was ambiguous. Second, the Norwegian Labour Party suffers less from differential turnout than before as a result of declining class voting. Third, the Labour Party may suffer from a demobilisation of the working class, but the party may also benefit from a demobilisation of the young. 相似文献
213.
Sung Eun Kim Johannes Urpelainen 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2013,13(4):411-423
Energy demand is surging in the developing world, and international organizations play an important role in the funding of energy projects. However, there is virtually no empirical analysis of how different organizations choose their project portfolios. This article examines the energy funding of different international organizations, with a particular focus on the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA) and International Finance Corporation (IFC). We use data on 888 projects in 128 recipient countries funded by nine major international organizations during the years 2008–2011. Relative to other organizations, the IDA is found to invest less in fossil fuels and more in projects that improve energy access for the poorest people. The IFC emphasizes fossil fuels while downplaying the importance of energy access. Overall, fossil fuels now receive only a minority of energy funding. However, energy access is only emphasized in a tiny minority of projects. 相似文献
214.
Where electricity access is limited, solar lanterns are a viable and relatively inexpensive source of basic lighting for households. However, the creation of commercially viable business models for solar lanterns is difficult because the customers are poor and make decisions under tight liquidity constraints. To understand the economics of technology adoption in the case of solar lanterns, we conduct a field experiment on willingness to pay (WTP) for solar lanterns in rural Uttar Pradesh. Applying the Becker–DeGroot–Marschak method of eliciting WTP, we evaluate the ability of a trial period and postponed payment to increase sales. We find no evidence for the effectiveness of the trial period and only weak evidence for the positive effect of postponed payment. Overall, WTP for the product among the customers is low. There is no clear evidence for concerns about the uncertain quality of the product, liquidity constraints, or present‐bias. In this context, policies to subsidize very small solar lanterns would not correct a market failure, as people appear to have only a limited interest in the product. 相似文献
215.
216.
Narayan Subramanian Johannes Urpelainen 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2014,14(1):25-46
Environmental degradation is increasingly causing cross-border displacement of people, but countries have formed no treaties to facilitate collaboration on the issue. When is such collaboration feasible, and how should environmental displacement treaties be designed? We present a game-theoretic analysis. In our model, countries first decide on ratifying a treaty, and doing so commits them to helping other countries that face cases of environmental degradation in the future. The equilibrium analysis suggests that treaty formation is easier under conditions of mutual vulnerability than if some countries are at a greater risk of environmental degradation than others. Our most important finding is that contrary to the received wisdom, treaties imposing stringent demands on countries are easier to form than treaties that are easy to comply with. We also examine the benefits of using displacement treaties to build capacity for cooperation. We illustrate the utility of the analysis with a discussion of the Kampala Convention on environmental displacement and consider the potential for future treaty formation in Sub-Saharan Africa and Oceania. 相似文献
217.
Johannes Lindvall 《European Journal of Political Research》2014,53(4):747-765
Who benefits from deep economic crises: the left, the right or neither? On the basis of evidence from elections in 1929–1933 and 2008–2013 in all states that were democracies in both periods, it is argued in this article that the electoral consequences of the Great Depression and the Great Recession were surprisingly similar: in both periods, right‐wing parties were at first more successful than left‐wing parties, although this effect only lasted for a few years. The manner in which a crisis develops over time should be taken into account when examining the effects of deep economic downturns on the electoral fortunes of the left and the right. 相似文献
218.
During most of the twentieth century the very existence of judicial errors was considered an awkward subject in the Dutch
legal system. This article considers the change of attitude in recent years. In previous years there was a remarkable self-confidence
within the criminal justice system (and in most of the scholarly writings) in doing things the ‘right way.’ After a few warnings
from (only partly legally trained) scholars, who became interested in the functioning of the system, and moreover, after a
few clear and undeniable cases of judicial error, there was a volte-face in the general feeling amongst both the public and the profession. It is the opinion of the authors that this shift in opinion
is historically important. This article therefore intends to draw a picture of the current state of affairs in The Netherlands. 相似文献