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71.
The aim of the study was to determine the enantioselective disposition of 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) and other amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) in segmented hair specimens of self-declared ecstasy abusers, who took part in a double-blind placebo-controlled six-way crossover study during approximately 7 weeks, during which they received a 75 and a 100 mg dose of racemic MDMA twice. Hair specimens were washed and cut into pieces of 2 cm length. After digestion and solid phase extraction, the enantiomers were derivatized with a chiral agent (2S,4R)-N-heptafluorobutyryl-4-heptafluorobutoyloxy-prolyl chloride, developed at the authors laboratory and quantified by gas chromatography coupled to mass spectrometry operating in the negative chemical ionization mode. Most of the hair specimens that were tested positive for MDMA showed a predominance of the (R)-enantiomer. The R/S ratios of MDMA varied between 1.02 and 2.75 and total concentrations ranged from 0.1 to 20.1 ng/mg. The enantiomers of its metabolite 3,4-methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA) were also quantified in most hair segments. The R/S ratios of MDA varied between 0.60 and 1.60, while the concentrations of the enantiomers ranged from 10 to 160 pg/mg hair. When segmental analysis was performed on single hair specimens, no inversion of the R versus S ratios of MDMA and MDA was observed. The predominance of (R)-MDMA in hair was in accordance with those already published for other matrices. Furthermore, both enantiomers of amphetamine (AM) were also detected in hair segments of four volunteers and the R/S ratios ranged from 1.00 to 1.47.  相似文献   
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Since the beginning of the 21st century, several national and international government agencies have initiated organised crime threat assessments. Additionally, a few scholars have published methods to assess the risks and threats of organised crime. These governmental bodies and scholars claim that their reports and methods can demonstrate that certain forms of organised crime are more threatening than others and thus help policy-makers set strategic priorities. In this article I discuss these claims by examining the reliability and validity of the operational definitions of the key concepts used, such as organised crime, threat and risk. This examination reveals that most reports and methods provide insufficient detail—and sometimes even no details at all—to guarantee the reliability and validity of their operational definitions. The search for validity is made particularly difficult by the ambiguity surrounding the concepts of organised crime, threat and risk, while the concept of cost is less problematic. Moreover, establishing what constitutes a threat is at its core a normative decision that cannot be left to intelligence analysts or scientists alone. The challenge ahead lies in acknowledging the normative framework of organised crime threat assessments and within that framework maximising the reliability and validity of the operational definitions of key concepts and related measuring instruments.  相似文献   
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The main argument of this contribution is that the distinction between internal and external is at best blurred and in reality does not make much sense in the case of India’s foreign policy. It may start and end at the border and be determined by negotiations, diplomacy or brute force but there is no conclusive evidence in the literature to decide what determines what. There are important dynamics and interplays across the thin line between the domestic and international spheres, especially in terms of understanding the reciprocal challenges related to how factors of culture and ethnicity relate with the legitimacy of the state. The aim of the paper is to serve four purposes. To unpack and give a critical overview of the debates concerned with the internal and external aspects of India’s foreign policy; to situate the literature dealing more specifically with domestic issues related to culture and ethnicity and outline the main approaches involved; to give an overview of how external factors impact foreign policy conduct and relate to India’s role in defining international norms and regulations; and, finally, to give some theoretical markers, suggestions and concluding remarks.  相似文献   
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This article is an examination of Hong Kong's importance within British-American security arrangements in the Far East during the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower. Archival evidence indicates that the Eisenhower Administration accepted a greater deal of commitment to the defence of Hong Kong during the 1950s — a period of significant hostility between the United States and the People's Republic of China. To understand this policy evolution in the broader context, this study evaluates the differences in British and American attitudes towards China during the 1950s and the effect of this on US policy towards Hong Kong.  相似文献   
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We compare public perceptions of biobanks in China and in Europe, reporting similarities and differences in how publics in Europe and China view key issues in the realm of biobank research. Despite many differences in perception, the similarity in the perception of biobanks in China and in Europe is striking. Our research finds that Chinese with lower education levels are less concerned about privacy, while those with higher education levels have preferences in privacy protection that are similar to those in Europe. Transnational research is perceived positively in both regions, but specific historical experiences shape how people approach these issues. While Chinese publics focus on certain effects of international research on the Chinese state, Europeans are mainly concerned about data security and impacts on research. The study is based on 66 focus groups conducted in China (6) and Europe (60), with approximately 700 participants.  相似文献   
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