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901.
In their critique, Garfinkel, McLanahan, and Wallerstein raise concerns about the representativeness of the authors' sample, benchmark approach methodology, and historical review of guidelines, all of which lead them to discount the evidence presented opposing the cliff-model assumption of father expenditures on children, and to laud instead child support guidelines that give little monetary credit or adjustment for visitation. This article presents evidence that (a) this sample is at most little biased, and remains trustworthy for the main implications presented; (b) although only a beginning, the benchmark approach is highly useful and most of the concerns raised about it are ill founded or implausible; and (c) the historical review suggesting that current guidelines assume zero visitation expenses is indeed accurate for the vast majority of states, according to the foremost authority. Thus, notwithstanding the critique, these findings have merit and importance and should be considered by policy makers. The authors also comment on the additional arguments against continuous and generous adjustments for visitation, finding them based on a weak foundation of evidence and reasoning. 相似文献
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In 1985 the national party organizations continued to expandtheir spheres of activity into state and local politics. Bothparties made preparations for extensive involvement in the 1986state legislative elections. The Republican National Committeeinitiated programs to aid county party organizations, to induceDemocratic state legislators to join the GOP, and to encourageDemocratic voters to switch their party registration. The nationalDemocratic party continued to assert authority over state partiesas it engaged in the quadrennial practice of rules reform. Incontrast to the past, the 1985 reform process resulted in nosignificant rules changes and in little intra-party skirmishing.Both parties, however, were forced to recognize the limits ofnational party influence in state and local politics. 相似文献
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