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621.
Jon S. Vernick J.D. M.P.H. Daniel W. Webster Sc.D. M.P.H. Maria T. Bulzacchelli Julie Samia Mair J.D. M.P.H. 《The Journal of law, medicine & ethics》2006,34(4):765-775
Firearms were associated with 30, 136 deaths in the United States in 2003. Most guns are initially sold to the public through a network of retail dealers. Licensed firearm dealers are an important source of guns for criminals and gun traffickers. Just one percent of licensed dealers were responsible for more than half of all guns traced to crime. Federal law makes it difficult for ATF to inspect and revoke the licenses of problem gun dealers. State licensing systems, however, are a greatly under-explored opportunity for firearm dealer oversight. We identify and categorize these state systems to identify opportunities for interventions to prevent problem dealers from supplying guns to criminals, juveniles, or gun traffickers. Just seventeen states license gun dealers. Twenty-three states permit routine inspections of dealers but only two mandate that those inspections occur on a regular basis. Twenty-six states impose record-keeping requirements for gun sales. Only thirteen states require some form of store security measures to minimize firearm theft. We conclude with recommendations for a comprehensive system of state licensing and oversight of gun dealers. Our findings can be useful for the coalition of more than fifty U.S. mayors that recently announced it would work together to combat illegal gun trafficking. 相似文献
622.
623.
Marco Siddi 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(1):131-144
The Ukraine crisis and subsequent tensions in relations with Russia urged the European Union to diversify its energy suppliers and integrate the energy markets of member states. However, the EU does not seem to have a clear strategy to strengthen its energy security. Member states are reluctant to relinquish control over their energy policy. Moreover, the diversification of fossil fuel suppliers may lead to new dependencies on authoritarian states, while the emphasis on unconventional energy sources may delay the development of renewables. A coordinated focus on renewable energy, coupled with investments in energy efficiency, appears to be the most forward-looking and climate-friendly way of reducing external dependencies. 相似文献
624.
Colombelli Alessandra De Marco Antonio Paolucci Emilio Ricci Riccardo Scellato Giuseppe 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2021,46(4):933-960
The Journal of Technology Transfer - The paper is aimed at obtaining a better understanding of the role played by universities in the technological development and specialization of the territories... 相似文献
625.
Jon S.T. Quah 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2010,53(1):23-54
This article compares the effectiveness of the anti-corruption agencies (ACAs) in four Asian countries: the Corrupt Practices
Investigation Bureau (CPIB) in Singapore, the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in Hong Kong, the National
Counter Corruption Commission (NCCC) in Thailand, and the Korea Independent Commission Against Corruption (KICAC). The CPIB
and ICAC are more effective than the NCCC and KICAC because of the political will of the governments in Singapore and Hong
Kong and the more favourable policy contexts of these two city-states. The lack of political will in curbing corruption in
Thailand and South Korea is reflected in the fact that the NCCC and KICAC are not as well staffed or funded than the CPIB
and ICAC. Moreover, the KICAC is the weakest of the four ACAs as it does not have the power to investigate corruption cases.
The policy contexts of Thailand and South Korea are less favourable because of their larger populations and land area, and
lower GDP per capita. To avoid institutional failure, ACAs must be supported by their governments in terms of the provision
of adequate personnel and budget. They must also be able to investigate all cases of corruption without any political interference.
The example of the KICAC shows the futility of establishing an ACA without the ability to investigate corruption cases. 相似文献
626.
This article analyses if and how recent changes within the Swiss political system have influenced different aspects of protest politics (e.g. level, issues, action repertoires, and transnationalization). We argue that opportunities for mobilization have emerged in recent years due to changes in the institutionalized political context and that these changes have at least partially led to a resurgence of protest activities in the early 2000s. In a longitudinal perspective, it is however rather moderate. Additionally, new social movements still dominate Swiss protest politics. Although social and migration‐related questions gained in salience, the changes are not as dramatic as in the case of party politics. The rise of a new integration‐demarcation cleavage has not (yet) shaken Swiss protest politics as heavily as Swiss party politics. Finally, even though they are not integrated into a pronounced new protest cycle, the early 2000s are marked by the global justice movement. In this context, we observe a slight radicalization of the action repertoire and police reactions, which is at least partially explained by the emergence of new “transnational” sites of contention. 相似文献
627.
Collaborative project implementation approaches are common in international development practice. This article uses a mixed-methods research design to examine the dynamics of North–South collaboration in a development setting. It studies election-monitoring campaigns in Nigeria and Ghana that involved cross-sector collaborations between several organisations. A conceptual model of cross-sector collaboration is proposed, which is then validated against two cases. Results show that while existing approaches to conceptualising collaboration provide significant insight into the empirical cases, additional factors such as resource constraints and power hierarchies should be considered when studying development collaboration in a North–South context. 相似文献
628.
Jon Harald Sande Lie 《Development in Practice》2017,27(2):196-207
The instituted order of humanitarianism is both changing and challenged. This article addresses the transition between humanitarian action and development aid in northern Uganda, which was driven by the government’s ambition to reassert its humanitarian sovereignty by discursively recasting the situation from one of crisis to one of recovery and development, regardless of the persistent humanitarian needs. In response, humanitarian actors either withdrew or moved into development aid. This bourgeoning humanitarian–development nexus questions the nature and future of humanitarianism and whether there is a hierarchy – or contradiction – between the humanitarian mandate and pragmatic approaches to save lives and protect civilians. 相似文献
629.
The convergence of performance accountability policies, a graying bureaucracy, and shorter executive tenures highlights the timeliness of investigating executive turnover. Prior public administration research has examined pull and push factors linked to these departures, but it has yet to fully explore the influence of governing board structures and political pressures that stem from such structures. Using data on 123 public four‐year research universities in the United States from 1993 to 2012, this article finds that governing board structures play a pivotal role in predicting the departure decisions of university presidents. While the size of the board increases the risk of departure, boards overseeing multiple institutions and boards with a faculty or student representative lower the risk of departure. Additional evidence suggests that both the share of gubernatorial and legislative appointees on the board and the party division of the legislature have a direct influence on departure. 相似文献
630.
Law and Critique - The introduction looks at the constitutional situation in Chile since the demand for a new Constitution erupted in demonstrations all across the country, and argues that the... 相似文献