首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   390篇
  免费   26篇
各国政治   29篇
工人农民   10篇
世界政治   20篇
外交国际关系   21篇
法律   175篇
中国政治   16篇
政治理论   143篇
综合类   2篇
  2023年   4篇
  2022年   5篇
  2021年   3篇
  2020年   12篇
  2019年   11篇
  2018年   17篇
  2017年   28篇
  2016年   18篇
  2015年   7篇
  2014年   10篇
  2013年   49篇
  2012年   8篇
  2011年   12篇
  2010年   15篇
  2009年   13篇
  2008年   10篇
  2007年   21篇
  2006年   17篇
  2005年   12篇
  2004年   14篇
  2003年   10篇
  2002年   9篇
  2001年   5篇
  2000年   8篇
  1999年   9篇
  1998年   5篇
  1997年   6篇
  1996年   3篇
  1995年   5篇
  1994年   5篇
  1993年   6篇
  1992年   8篇
  1991年   5篇
  1990年   6篇
  1989年   1篇
  1987年   5篇
  1986年   9篇
  1985年   4篇
  1984年   2篇
  1983年   3篇
  1982年   3篇
  1981年   1篇
  1980年   1篇
  1978年   1篇
  1977年   1篇
  1976年   2篇
  1973年   1篇
  1972年   5篇
  1970年   1篇
排序方式: 共有416条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
361.
The negative impacts of orthodox liberalisation policies on labour in Venezuela and Mexico were representative of outcomes elsewhere in Latin America. Untheorised increases in precarious informal work, unemployment, and emigration as well as a growing breech between wages and productivity followed trade, capital, and labour market reforms and the prescribed macro stabilisation policies. Orthodox reforms in both countries paradoxically facilitated market failures given the forms or modes taken by foreign direct investment (FDI), which introduced ever more increasing scale economies with their attendant information imperfections. In addition, the growing competition from tradeable goods faced by domestic producers in both countries and the decision to buy rather than make technologies by way of FDI undermined job creation and induced inter-sectoral flows toward service sector and informal work.  相似文献   
362.
Most developed countries continue to experience problems with malfeasance and corruption, making accountability a fundamental concern of the public government. Still, the mechanisms which ensure accountability are not given. This article explores two different and apparently conflicting principles of accountability in public organizations: “Professionalism” based on values and internalized incentive structures and “Managerialism” based on externalized incentives and hierarchy. The empirical analysis is based on a comparative survey among local government leaders in Sweden and Norway. The analysis shows that both professionalism and managerialism are regarded as important means for accountability and tend to be understood as complementary more than competing principles.  相似文献   
363.
An extraordinary body of scholarship suggests that war, perhaps more than any other contributor, is responsible for the emergence of a distinctly modern presidency. Central to this argument is a belief that members of Congress predictably and reliably line up behind the president during times of war. Few scholars, however, have actually subjected this argument to quantitative investigation. This article does so. Estimating ideal points for members of Congress at the start and end of the most significant wars in the past century, we find consistent—albeit not uniform—evidence of a wartime effect. The outbreaks of both world wars and the post‐9/11 era—though not the Korean or Vietnam wars—coincided with discernible changes in member voting behavior that better reflected the ideological leanings of the presidents then in office. In the aftermath of all these wars, meanwhile, members shifted away from the sitting president’s ideological orientation. These findings are not confined to any single subset of policies, are robust to a wide variety of modeling specifications, and run contrary to scholarship that emphasizes ideological consistency in members’ voting behavior.  相似文献   
364.
Most pollution problems arise as by-products of domestic activity. The effectiveness of international environmental regimes thus depends on the operations of domestic political and administrative institutions. However, the study of regime effectiveness tends to overlook the operation of domestic institutions as well as the interests and preferences of sub-national non-state actors. In this article, a framework for combining the study of regime effectiveness with domestic institutions and actors is initially presented. The merits of this framework within the context of the North Sea regime is then explored. The article concludes that the effectiveness of this regime depends on the operation of both international and domestic institutions. Of particular importance are those sub-national actors actually causing the problem in the first place as well as domestic institutions influencing the behaviour of target groups.  相似文献   
365.
One of the proposed alternatives to Kyoto’s cap-and-trade approach is a regime based on an internationally harmonized carbon tax. In this paper, we consider and compare the enforcement problems associated with a tax regime and a cap-and-trade regime, respectively. The paper tries to convey two main points. First, both types of regime require an. effective enforcement mechanism. However, such a mechanism is unlikely to be adopted as part of a regime with full participation, because the political process leading up to its adoption tends to water down the enforcement mechanism to a point where it no longer has much bite. And even if this is somehow avoided, countries expecting compliance to be difficult or costly will almost certainly decline to sign—not to mention ratify—the resulting agreement. Second, the implications of non-compliance in a tax regime differ in important ways from the corresponding implications in a cap-and-trade regime. In a cap-and-trade regime emissions trading can make inaction legitimate for buyers of emission permits. In particular, overselling of permits by one (or a few) permit exporting countries might completely undermine the regime’s environmental effect. In a tax regime, by contrast, one country’s non-compliance can not make inaction by other countries legitimate. It follows that an agreement based on a harmonized carbon tax will always have some effect, provided that at least one country complies.  相似文献   
366.
367.
Students who failed the Texas mandatory third grade reading test were followed through their sophomore year in high school. Comparisons of reading scores between third grade students who repeated the grade and their socially promoted classmates revealed that the positive effect of retention persisted over time. Retention in third grade benefited low‐performing readers regardless of race. Supplemental analyses found that the results are not likely attributable to selection biases, differential attrition of students from the panel, changes in the special education status of students, and regression to the mean effects. Making students repeat a grade, when supplemented with additional educational assistance, can benefit academically challenged children.  相似文献   
368.
369.
370.
In a paper published in this journal, Cowen (2002) argues that whenever compliance with norms is supported by the forces of esteem, there is “too little” norm compliance. In this paper, we show that Cowen’s logic is flawed – that when the operation of esteem-based norms is formally modelled, no such general a priori conclusion follows. We investigate the conditions that would be necessary to ensure that esteem incentives for public goods contributions generate optimality in public goods supply, and indicate on that basis the conditions for voluntary sub-optimal and supra-optimal public goods provision in the esteem context.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号