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Jonas Edlund 《Scandinavian political studies》2003,26(2):145-167
The point of departure for this paper is US evidence claiming that citizens do not possess an adequate understanding of the concept of progressive taxation. Using the format of standard survey questions, most respondents preferred progressive taxes. When faced with similar questions framed in concrete terms, a majority rejected progressive taxes. By analysing data from Sweden, it is shown that irrespective of whether abstract or concrete measures are applied, most citizens support progressive taxation. There is no evidence indicating that Swedes in general do not understand the concept of progressive taxation. To explain why US citizens are more ignorant about progressive taxation than Swedish citizens, it is suggested that the Swedish welfare state institutions and the surrounding political environment may be exercising a substantially stronger educational influence on the meaning of redistributive concepts. 相似文献
44.
There is a growing academic literature on both land and corruption in relation to post-conflict peace building. This paper aims to understand what role corruption complaints play in the nexus between land and grievances in post-conflict societies. Drawing on field material collected in Sri Lanka, the paper interrogates the role of corruption complaints in relation to a number of highly politicised and ethnicised post-conflict land issues, ranging from the return of idps and alleged new resettlement schemes to land grabbing for military, ‘development’ and/or commercial purposes. The comparatively high visibility of land use, and the fact that land-related corruption is likely to affect a specific set of people who lay claim to the land, makes it a particularly important area to address in research on corruption and post-conflict peace building. 相似文献
45.
The Nordic countries are known for their well-functioning public administrations. In indices measuring control of corruption and the quality of the rule of law, they frequently occupy top positions. However, as we demonstrate in this article, a country's top position in comparative indices does not automatically imply that citizens view the state of affairs in the same way as depicted by experts. The observation is in no way trivial: Drawing on theories of procedural fairness, we go on to show—statistically, using individual level data—that widespread public perceptions about the unfairness of civil servants may have a negative effect on the legitimacy of the political system even in so-called high-trust and “least corrupt” settings such as the Nordic ones. 相似文献
46.
Civil society organizations are facing increasing political restrictions all over the world. Frequently, these restrictions apply to the foreign funding of NGOs and thus curtail the space for external civil society support, which, since the 1990s, has become a key element in international democracy and human rights promotion. This so-called ‘closing space’ phenomenon has received growing attention by civil society activists, policymakers and academics. Existing studies (and political responses), however, neglect the crucial normative dimension of the problem at hand: As we show, the political controversy over civil society support is characterized by norm contestation, and this contestation reveals competing perceptions of in/justice and touches upon core principles of contemporary world order. Taking this dimension into account is essential if we are to academically understand, and politically respond to, the ‘closing space’ challenge. It is also highly relevant with regard to current debates on how to conceptualize and construct order in a world that is plural in many regards and in which liberal norms are fundamentally contested. Empirically, the paper combines an assessment of the global debate about closing space in the UN Human Rights Council with an analysis of a specific controversy over the issue in US-Egyptian relations. 相似文献
47.
ABSTRACTThis article presents an analytical framework that guides the contributions to this special issue and, in general terms, aims at enabling a systematic investigation of processes of negotiation in the international promotion of democracy. It first briefly introduces the rationale for studying democracy promotion negotiation, offers a definition, and locates the general approach within the academic literature, bringing together different strands of research, namely studies of negotiation in international relations as well as research on democratization and democracy promotion. The larger part of the article then discusses key concepts, analytical distinctions and theoretical propositions along the lines of the three research questions that are identified in the introduction to this special issue. More specifically, the article (1) offers a typology that facilitates a systematic empirical analysis of the issues that are discussed in democracy promotion negotiations; (2) takes initial steps towards a causal theory of democracy promotion negotiation by identifying and discussing a set of parameters that can be expected to shape such negotiations; and (3) introduces key distinctions and dimensions that help guide empirical research on the output and outcome of negotiations in democracy promotion. 相似文献
48.
Two samples of insulin-dependent diabetic youths were studies in successive attempts to refine a brief patient self-report measure of general long-term adherence to a diabetic regimen. Validity and reliability were assessed for both samples by measuring a number of related variables: locus of control, stressful life events, knowledge of diabetes, parent report, and glycosylated hemoglobin. Initial evidence of validity was demonstrated in a variety of criterion areas. Both reliability and validity were replicated on the second sample. Adherence is discussed as a complex multidimensional variable, the measurement of which requires several different methods, including the selfreport measure described here. Warnings about social desirability as a confounding factor were discussed, as were suggestions for other adherence measures.Received Ph.D. in Social Treatment from the University of Chicago. Research interests include adolescent development and psychological components of physical illness.received Ph.D. from Loyola University. Research interest is adolescent depression.received M. D. from Northwestern University. Research interest is juvenile diabetes mellitus. To whom reprint requests should be sent. 相似文献
49.
Elder Guardianship Kaleidoscope - A Comparative Perspective 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
50.
Tania Israel Audrey Harkness Todd R. Avellar Kevin Delucio Jay N. Bettergarcia Joshua A. Goodman 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2016,31(3):173-181
Law enforcement personnel (LEP) use a variety of tactics to perform their job duties. Although LEP often receive specialized training to work with ethnocultural minorities and are sometimes trained to work with lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) citizens, a clear articulation of LGBTQ-affirming police tactics has not yet been established. Using qualitative content analysis and a multiple case study approach, this project identified a variety of tactics generated by LEP in written surveys and group discussion of scenarios involving LGBTQ citizens. Results showed that across all scenarios, LEP were able to generate LGBTQ-affirming tactics, including both typical police procedures, as well as approaches specific to LGBTQ citizens. Non LGBTQ-affirming tactics typically reflected reluctance to adapt general procedures to meet the needs of LGBTQ citizens. The results of this study support the use of group-based scenario training to help LEP identify and adopt LGBTQ-affirming approaches. This study is significant because it represents a first step toward identifying best practices for LGBTQ-affirming police tactics. 相似文献