Professional regulation

Recent years have witnessed an increase in interest in professional regulation. The extent to which the professions should control professional regulation and the provision of professional services is the issue at stake. The strengthening of societal forces and attitudes on either side has intensified matters. Forces on the side of professional dominance include tradition, expertise, and politics. Opposed are individual liberty and individualism, theories of free enterprise, and egalitarianism. The controversy has also been influenced by recent political developments involving the emergence of two antiregulatory movements: the “control” movement, and the “antigovernment” movement. The former involves an attempt to control government regulatory power. The latter is a more broad-based political attack on regulation aimed at less government in general. The most significant impact of the current controversy is that professional regulation has become an important public issue.     

Juror decision making,attitudes, and the hindsight bias

This study examines juror decision making in civil suits against police officers alleged to have engaged in illegal searches, using simulated case materials and mock jurors drawn both from adults called for jury service and a student subject pool. The experiment assesses the impact of a cognitive process (thehindsight bias) and of individual attitudes on awards and finds that both are related to juror decisions. We test a theoretical model that specifies that both attitudes and outcome knowledge exercise their influence upon the damage award decision by means of their impact on interpretation of testimony. Causal models of the decision-making process appear to support the role played by interpretation of evidence as a mediator between individual attributes and juror decisions.We are indebted to Reid Hastie, Tom Tyler, Phoebe Ellsworth, Jack Heinz, Robert Nelson, Rayman Solomon, and Bonnie Fisher for assistance with various aspects of the design, data collection, and analysis reported here. Financial support was provided by the American Bar Foundation, and the Center for Urban Affairs and Policy Research and the Dispute Resolution Research Center, both at Northwestern University.John D. & Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.     

Frank Meyer: The Fusionist as Federalist

Frank S. Meyer played a central role in defining the post-warAmerican conservative movement by defining and defending anideological "fusion" of traditional conservative principlesand libertarian political beliefs. While concerned with maintenanceof an objective moral order and the pursuit of virtue in theindividual, Meyer argued that the freedom of the person is thecentral and primary end of political society. The American systemof government, with its horizontal and vertical separationsof power, came closer than any political system in history toproviding the protection for individual liberties necessaryfor the effective pursuit of virtue. Federalism was particularlyimportant as it could forestall the centralization of governmentpower. Virtue, to have any meaning, had to be chosen freely,but providing for individual freedom provided no guarantee thatindividuals would pursue virtuous ends. By the same token, federalismand the separation of powers did not guarantee that state governmentswould adopt wise or moral policies, as the history of the civilrights struggle attests. Nonetheless, Meyer believed federalismwas essential if individual freedom was to endure.     

Party System Compactness: Measurement and Consequences

Jonathan Nagler Department of Politics, New York University, 726 Broadway, Room 752, New York, NY 10003 e-mail: jonathan.nagler{at}nyu.edu An important property of any party system is the set of choicesit presents to the electorate. In this paper we analyze thedistribution of parties relative to voters in the multidimensionalissue space and introduce two measures of the dispersion ofthe parties in the issue space relative to the voters, whichwe call measures of the compactness of the parties in the issuespace. We show how compactness is easily computed using standardsurvey items found on national election surveys. Because westudy the spacing of the parties relative to the distributionof the voters, we produce metric-free measures of compactnessof the party system. The measures can be used to compare partysystems across issues, over time within countries, and acrosscountries. Comparing the compactness of party systems acrosscountries allows us to determine the relative amount of issuechoice afforded voters in different polities. We examine thecompactness of the issue space and test the impact it has onvoter choice in four countries: the United States, the Netherlands,Canada, and Great Britain. We demonstrate that the more compactthe distribution of the parties in the issue space on any givenissue, the less voters weight that issue in their vote decision.Thus we provide evidence supporting theories suggesting thatthe greater the choice offered by the parties in an election,the more likely it is that issue voting will play a major rolein that election.     

The role of mercantilism, humanitarianism, and gaiatsu in Japan's ODA programme in Asia

Objective. Three competing explanations for the distributionof Japan's ODA in Asia are empirically examined in this paper.The first explanation hypothesizes that Japan reacts to US pressureand interests as it formulates its foreign aid policy. The competingexplanations argue that Japanese ODA is used to promote Japan'snational economic interests or humanitarian goals. Methods.We examine the determinants of Japanese ODA in 14 Asian countriesfor the period of 1979–1998. The effects of the independentvariables are estimated using ordinary least squares (OLS) withpanel-corrected standard errors. Results. US strategic interestswere found to have no effect on aid disbursements for the periodin question. Rather, we find that Japan's national economicinterests have shaped Japanese aid decisions in Asia. The disbursementpattern of Japanese ODA is also influenced by poverty in therecipient country. Employing measures from the Political TerrorScale, Freedom House, and Polity IV, we find no effect for democracyor human rights.