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There has been widespread interest in the term 'institution' within political science in the past five years. Two principal uses of this are identified. The first is associated with the policy community literature and in this sense the institution is an extra-constitutional policymaking arrangement between ministries and clientelistic groups. The second use of the term is associated with state-centred authors who wish to argue for the relative autonomy of political institutions. In this second use there is ambiguity about the scope of the term institution; whether it is, or is not, intended to be confined to traditional institutions or whether the disaggregated state embraces the newer policy community phenomenon. 相似文献
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Black Politics: How Anger Influences the Political Actions Blacks Pursue to Reduce Racial Inequality
Political Behavior - Although Blacks are homogeneous in their support for racial equality, research shows that they are conflicted about the political strategies their group should adopt to advance... 相似文献
156.
Scholars and political commentators have argued that special elections to the U.S. House of Representatives are national contests, serving as a referendum on the president's party and a predictor of future election outcomes (Sigelman 1981; Smith and Burnnell 2010). But the empirical record is mixed, with one leading study demonstrating that candidate and district characteristics alone explain special election outcomes (Gaddie, Bullock, and Buchanan 1999). We investigate this disagreement by comparing special election and open-seat results using new data for the period 1995–2014. We find that while candidate characteristics affect special election outcomes, presidential approval is predictive of special election outcomes as well. Furthermore, we find that the effect of presidential approval on special election outcomes has increased in magnitude from 1995 to 2014, with the 2002 midterm representing an important juncture in the nationalization of special elections. We conclude that special elections have developed into national contests since the 1970s and situate this development within broader electoral trends. 相似文献
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Maryanne Edmundson David T. R. Berry Walter M. HighJr. Anne L. Shandera-Ochsner Jordan P. Harp Lisa M. Koehl 《Psychological injury and law》2016,9(2):121-142
Psychologists often use the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) and, more recently, its successor, the MMPI-2, to assess personality and psychological disturbances following traumatic brain injury (TBI). The present meta-analysis examined the pattern of mean Hedges’ d values on MMPI-2 validity (L, F, K) and clinical (1–4, 6–0) scales in individuals with TBI. Database keyword searches yielded ten studies providing post-TBI MMPI-2 profiles. Studies were required to include a pure TBI sample, individuals who were ≥18 at injury, and means and standard deviations for most MMPI-2 clinical scales. Analyses showed large effects for MMPI-2 scales F, 1, 2, 3, 7, and 8. Using Q statistics, moderating effects were found for TBI severity on scale 7 and for compensation-seeking/litigation status on scales 1, 2, 3, and 7. No significant effects were found for time post-injury. The available information was insufficient to examine the effect of lesion location, pre-injury personality and psychopathology, or time post-injury for samples with differing injury severities on MMPI-2 profiles. Results suggest that individuals with TBI report significant levels of psychopathology that may be moderated by TBI severity and compensation-seeking/litigation status. Discussion includes a literature critique given the meta-analytic findings and implications for future study of personality following TBI. 相似文献
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Krystle Jordan 《Family Court Review》2009,47(4):715-736
There are more than three million reports of abuse and neglect each year. Some children may enter the court system while others will voluntarily or by court order enter a mediation program. What these children have in common is these youths are often removed from their home and placed in foster or institutional care without ever expressing their wishes or concerns. This Note advocates for the adoption of model standards drafted to ensure universal and meaningful child participation. The Model Standards are set forth in detail and accompanied by useful tips on their implementation. Through the course of this Note, the benefits of child participation are outlined, as are the reasons most often given for denying children the opportunity to meaningfully participate. The Note concludes with an explanation of how the benefits derived from implementing these standards far outweigh any potential negative side effects. 相似文献
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