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251.
This exploratory study investigated factors that Child Protective Service caseworkers believe lead to change for the domestic
violence abuser and victim, and ultimately lead to success in terms of reunifying children who have been removed from their
parents due to domestic violence. In-depth interviews with six caseworkers examined both successful reunification cases and
unsuccessful reunification cases. The interview was structured around three areas of interest: services, the caseworker’s
relationship with the parents, and social supports, in order to identify variables that may influence the family’s ability
(or inability) to make the necessary changes for reunification with their children. Results revealed that successful reunifications
took place within the families who fully engaged in services, admitted the issues within the family home, set clear boundaries
with each other, and sought and maintained an appropriate support system. Implications for caseworkers involved with families
experiencing domestic violence, as well as directions for future research, are discussed. 相似文献
252.
Daniel H. Cole 《Journal of law and society》2001,28(2):117-203
The late E.P. Thompson described himself as 'a historian in the Marxist tradition' But when he embraced the Rule of Law (in Whigs and Hunters , many of his colleagues on the left ostracized him as an apostate. This essay argues that Thompson's critics have largely misunderstood what he meant by the Rule of Law. His was a minimal and historical conception, which merely sought to distinguish states whose rulers had unfettered discretion from states whose rulers were constrained by legal rules, whatever their source and contents. Also, in contrast to other radical theorists, Thompson recognized that law would be a necessary institution in any complex society, no matter what its economic basis, to mediate social relations. The essay concludes with some thoughts about the relevancy of Thompson's conception of the Rule of Law for ongoing efforts to revitalize a more `radical liberalism'. 相似文献
253.
Political Behavior - Recent evidence indicates that partisans discriminate against those from the opposing party. However, it is still unclear whether partisan out-group prejudice reveals a desire... 相似文献
254.
Cole BL Wilhelm M Long PV Fielding JE Kominski G Morgenstern H 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》2004,29(6):1153-1186
Health impact assessment (HIA) has been advanced as a means of bringing potential health impacts to the attention of policy makers, particularly in sectors where health impacts may not otherwise be considered. This article examines lessons for HIA in the United States from the related and relatively well-developed field of environmental impact assessment (EIA). We reviewed the EIA literature and conducted twenty phone interviews with EIA professionals. Successes of EIA cited by respondents included integration of environmental goals into decision making, improved planning, and greater transparency and public involvement. Reported shortcomings included the length and complexity of EIA documents, limited and adversarial public participation, and an emphasis on procedure over substance. Presently, EIAs consider few, if any, health outcomes. Respondents differed on the prospects for HIA. Most agreed that HIA could contribute to EIA in several areas, including assessment of cumulative impacts and impacts to environmental justice. Reasons given for not incorporating HIA into EIA were uncertainties about interpreting estimated health impacts, that EIA documents would become even longer and more complicated, and that HIA would gain little from the procedural and legal emphasis in EIA. We conclude that for HIA to advance, whether as part of or separate from EIA, well-formulated methodologies need to be developed and tested in real-world situations. When possible, HIA should build on the methods that have been utilized successfully in EIA. The most fruitful avenue is demonstration projects that test, refine, and demonstrate different methods and models to maximize their utility and acceptance. 相似文献
255.
Josh Benson 《Law & social inquiry》2008,33(4):1071-1110
The last ten years have witnessed the reemergence of fears of judicial power among scholars on the left. This renewed “Anti‐Court” movement includes the minimalism of Cass Sunstein, the popular constitutionalism of Mark Tushnet and Larry Kramer, and the bipartisan judicial restraint of Jeffrey Rosen. This essay traces the origin, development, and implications of this movement, noting its particular ties to historic trends in the academy: the Legal Process School, critical theory, and the positivist work of Gerald Rosenberg and Michael Klarman. The essay also considers the movement's preference for majoritarian politics—a partiality borne of dissatisfaction with the Rehnquist Court, but also, conversely, recognition of the failures of conservative attempts at policy making. The essay concludes by considering the ambitions of these scholars to develop a truly apolitical theory of judicial power. In light of the furious debate over the purported “minimalism” of John Roberts, severing theory from politics may prove impossible. 相似文献
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