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Sue Williamson Michael O'Donnell Joshua Shingles 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2015,74(3):354-358
The Workplace Remuneration Arrangement agreed between the Australian Government and the Australian Defence Force (ADF) provides for a 4.5% pay over 3 years for ADF personnel. This article makes use of the concept of the psychological contract to argue that this pay deal represents a breach of the Australian Government's obligations towards ADF personnel that is likely to have unintended consequences for their long‐term commitment to their ADF careers. 相似文献
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This article examines the consequences of prison overcrowding litigation for U.S. prisons. We use insights derived from the endogeneity of law perspective to develop expectations about the likely impact of overcrowding litigation on five outcomes: prison admissions, prison releases, spending on prison capacity, prison crowding, and incarceration rates. Using newly available data on prison overcrowding litigation cases joined with panel data on U.S. states from 1971 to 1996, we offer a novel and comprehensive analysis of the impact that overcrowding litigation has had on U.S. prisons. We find that it had no impact on admissions or release rates and did not lead to any reduction in prison crowding. Litigation did, however, lead to an increase in spending on prison capacity and incarceration rates. We discuss the implications of these results for endogeneity of law theory, attempts to achieve reform through litigation, and the politics of prison construction. 相似文献
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Instrumental variables methods in experimental criminological research: what, why and how 总被引:3,自引:2,他引:1
Joshua D. Angrist 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2006,2(1):23-44
Quantitative criminology focuses on straightforward causal questions that are ideally addressed with randomized experiments.
In practice, however, traditional randomized trials are difficult to implement in the untidy world of criminal justice. Even
when randomized trials are implemented, not everyone is treated as intended and some control subjects may obtain experimental
services. Treatments may also be more complicated than a simple yes/no coding can capture. This paper argues that the instrumental
variables methods (IV) used by economists to solve omitted variables bias problems in observational studies also solve the
major statistical problems that arise in imperfect criminological experiments. In general, IV methods estimate causal effects
on subjects who comply with a randomly assigned treatment. The use of IV in criminology is illustrated through a re-analysis
of the Minneapolis domestic violence experiment. The results point to substantial selection bias in estimates using treatment
delivered as the causal variable, and IV estimation generates deterrent effects of arrest that are about one-third larger
than the corresponding intention-to-treat effects. 相似文献
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Joshua T. White 《India Review》2013,12(4):407-436
ABSTRACTThe United States has sought over the last two decades to facilitate India’s rise as a means of balancing against China’s ambitions. Notwithstanding the rich literature that has emerged on Sino-Indian dynamics and the U.S.-India-China triad, there has been remarkably little examination of the ways in which the United States navigates its relationships with these two rising powers. This study poses a simple question: to what extent has the United States’ pursuit of its interests with India meant that it has accepted trade-offs with respect to its interests with China? Drawing on government documents, interviews with current and former U.S. officials, and an array of case studies between 2005 and early 2019, this study argues first that the U.S. bureaucracy has long been structured in such a way as to heavily compartment policy decision-making related to South Asia and East Asia, respectively, and to produce a pronounced but largely explicable structural bias toward East Asia; second, that relatively few policy matters have arisen since 2005 that have forced the United States to consider meaningful trade-offs between its India and China equities; and third, that new challenges may arise for Washington as its deals with an increasingly inter-connected Indo-Pacific region, and manages the bureaucratic and policy implications of its renewed emphasis on great power competition. 相似文献